ComplementaryPerspectivesBigPicturesandS_img1.gif Complementary Perspectives Big Pictures and Small Actions
Complemntary Views: Metaphors
It would be totally presumptuous to assume that much could be accomplished along these lines in a paper like this by a single author. The following is therefore intended merely as a biased indication of a fruitful line of inquiry. Examples might include:
(a) Substance abuse (including drugs and alcohol): (contents )
Is it too trite to suggest that substance abuse is signalling a desperate need for different modes of thinking, feeling and experience than those sanctioned by a society governed by antiquated thinking patterns which have been only too effectively institutionalized in "acceptable" modes of work and leisure ? Again, since many in key positions in such institutions also use drugs or alcohol "to relax", what should be learnt from the level of stress -- and schizophrenia -- at which theprevailing mode of thought is requiring them to function ? Is substance abuse not effectively offering a remedy for the imaginal deficiency and mechanistic patterning characteristic of "acceptable" individual and collective behaviour ? And consequently would not substance abuse become less necessary if society acknowledged more imaginative opportunities ? What is the incidence of substance abuse in cultures whose languages make very extensive use of metaphor ? Too what extent is it useful to perceive our relation to the prevailing thinking pattern as a form of "addiction" -- a habit that we do not know how to kick, even if we wanted to ?
(b) Unemployment (including underemployment and absenteeism): (contents )
It is no longer fruitful to argue that a significant proportion of unemployment is simply due to laziness, reluctance to learn new skills, lack of initiative or lack of opportunities -- whatever truths these may imply. Is it possible that the prevailing mode of thinking is inhibiting peoples ability to imagine new forms of action of value to others, encouraging people to perceive existing employment opportunities as worthless both to themselves and to others, as well as impoverishing the manner in which people consider what to do with their lives ? Is unemployment telling us that much of the work on offer is not worth doing -- and that much which is done is pointless ? This would certainly be consistent with many criticisms of the consumer society and of industrial exploitation of the environment. Perhaps it is also saying that what we value doing, or are obliged to do, is not appropriately valued (as "work") in an economic system governed by an inadequate mode of thinking. This would certainly be consistent with the debate about the economic value of housework. Contrasting employment with recreation (as opposed to unemployment) is somewhat ironic in that unimaginative leisure opportunities are increasingly incapable of offering "re-creation" -- despite the degree of economic investment in them. Is the level of unemployment also indicating that we really do not know to what society could usefully devote its human resources ? Worse still, is it indicating that we have dissociated the challenges to human society from opportunities for "work" because of the way such challenges are perceived within the prevailing pattern of thinking ?
(c) Ignorance (including functional illiteracy): (contents )
Is the level of ignorance, even in industrialized countries, telling us that much of the information on which that judgement is based is not worth learning ? This concern has certainly been expressed in debates about existing curricula. Is it suggesting that for their psychic survival people are educating themselves along pathways which are not considered meaningful, or indicative of intelligence, within the prevailing pattern of thinking ? This is suggested by the immense resources devoted to music and to "alternative" therapies and belief systems. Is it suggesting that people feel deprived of an imaginal education, faced with the formal (even rote) learning so frequently considered most appropriate (especially "to the needs of industry") ? This is suggested by the enthusiasm for graphics, cartoon books, science fiction, fantasy and the archetypal portrayal of cult figures in music. Is our concern with the ignorance of many concealing the fact that those with most expertise and power are really quite ignorant about how to navigate through the current crises and those on the horizon ?
(d) Homelessness: (contents )
Is the lack of appropriate shelter, even in industrialized countries, indicating that with our current pattern of thinking we are ineffective in our ability to provide, construct, or acquire cognitive and affective frameworks to shelter us appropriately from the turbulence of the times ? This would be consistent with concerns about alienation in modern society. Itwould also follow from the recognition that many traditional frameworks and belief systems have been torn down or discredited. Even where people are well sheltered, it is often in houses or apartments which reflect an impoverishment of architectural imagination as reinforced by unimaginative building regulations and construction economics. Are our imaginative lives so impoverished by the media that the ability to provide a hospitable "interior decoration" for our psyches has been degraded ?
(e) Illness: (contents )
Disease as a metaphor has been explored, especially by Susan Sontag. Nevertheless the preoccupation of the World Health Organization with "Heath for all by the Year 2000" fails to address the increasing prevalence of stress, neurosis and personality disorder --especially in industrialized countries. Just as the range of individual diseases provides admirable metaphors for a taxonomic study of the world problematique, so it might also be used to explore the diseases of the imagination and of imaginal deficiency.
(f) Hunger (including malnutrition): (contents )
At the time of writing some 4 million people are threatened with death by starvation in Ethiopia alone. Is this problem not signalling the existence of a subtler and more widespread form of deprivation -- a malnutrition of the psyche and a spiritual hunger which we are even less capable of addressing ? This would be consistent with concern about the artificiality and superficiality of experience offered in the emerging "information society" or "global village" -- and with the desperate attempts to increase the level of "realism" by increasing the quantity and degrading quality of violence portrayed in the media. To what extent are our imaginations appropriately nourished at this time -- despite the surfeit of imaginative material (junk food ?) available and to come ?
(g) Wastage (including environmental degradation): (contents )
Is our insensitivity to the processes of wastage and pollution, for which we are individually responsible, signalling the existence of an indifference to the "salubrity" of our imaginative lives ? This would be consistent with the concern expressed by some non- western cultures and constituencies at the indifference to "spiritual purity". There is little consensus on what is or is not healthy for the psyche -- just as we are no longer clear, with the increasing scope of pollution, to what extent which foodstuffs are safe. The depletion of natural resources associated with wastage calls for reflection on the possibility that western-inspired culture is depleting its psychic resources in ways that we have yet to understand ? Can the imaginative resources of a culture be depleted to a point of "bankruptcy" and how can such resources be conserved and "recycled" ? Do empires fall through imaginative failure ?
(h) Corruption (including crime): (contents )
A major criticism of the development aid process is that the resources are diverted away from those most in need, despite agreements to prevent this. Various forms of bribery or "commission" are a common feature, even in industrialized countries. In any position (including intergovernmental agencies), people endeavour to obtain perks and privileges for themselves, for relatives or for friends -- whether this is limited to pilferage of office supplies, extended into the imposition of a "socially acceptable taxation" (or "sweetner") on any transactions which they control, or developed into a full-blown criminal activity. What can be learnt from this degree of self-interest and the associated rule-breaking propensity ? Is this an indication that people cannot survive within the mechanistic regulations which emerge from the current pattern of thinking -- or at least choose not to do so, and feel free not to do so when possible ? This would beconsistent with the admiration for people who can get things done despite the rules, because they are capable of imagining more subtle opportunities. To what extent is corruption associated with a more creative world view -- as reflected in the term "creative accounting" ?
10. Reframing problems: the case of "overpopulation" (contents )
The previous section has indicated how problems may be seen in a new light by exploring the implications for the sustainable development of the individual -- through the individual's eyes. This provides an integrative focus which is absent when such problems are projected onto the global level, where mutually exclusive perspectives retain some measure of credibility. But, however valuable, it is not sufficient just to see such problems in a new light. The key question is whether they enable some new approach to them. The ultimate test is the case of "overpopulation", which many would argue to be at the origin of the problems outlined above.
ComplementaryPerspectivesBigPicturesandS_img2.gif Complemntary Views: Why Systems Fail and Problems Sprout Anew
At last those concerned with social change have a basic textbook to explain why "things generally are indeed not working very well" despite our many efforts. As is remarked on the cover: "Have you ever wondered why the unsinkable Titanic sank... or the poor in India eat better bread than the rich in America... or hospital patients are blamed for not getting well... or why, in general, things that don't work badly don't work at all ?" Similar questions are of deep concern to those working in international organizations.
The author, John Gall, explains his point of departure in the following words:
"The religious person may blame it on. original sin. The historian may cite the force of trends such as population growth and industrialization. The sociologist offers reasons rooted in the peculiarities of human associations. Reformers blame it all on "the system", and propose new systems that would, they assert, guarantee a brave new world of justice, peace, and abundance. Everyone, it seems, has his own idea of what the problem is and how it can be corrected. But all agree on one point- that their own system would work very well if only it were universally adopted.
The point of view espoused in this essay is more radical and at the same time more pessimistic. Stated as succinctly as possible: the fundamental problem does not lie in any particular system but rather in systems as such. Salvation, if it is attainable at all, even partially, is to be sought in a deeper understanding of the ways of systems, not simply in a criticism of the errors of a particular system". (page 16)
Gall's book takes the reader step by step through a series of explanations necessary to an appropriate understanding of "how systems work... and especially how they fail" (the subtitle of the book). For as he says "men do not yet understand the basic laws governing the behavior of complex organizations". Some of the axioms that he has so cleverly grouped together have been known to us or have formed the subject of secret suspicions we have shared in confidence with close friends. But here we find these matters brought into the open at last in "a first approach" to a systematic exposition of the fundamental principles- the first attempt "to deal with the cussedness of systems in a fundamental, logical way, by getting at the basic rules of their behavior"
He cites with humble gratitude the giants who paved the way for his efforts:
    • Murphy: "If anything can go wrong, it will".
    • Korzybski, author of General Semantics, who contributed: "a vaulting effort at a comprehensive explanation of Why Things Don't Work,'; and not forgetting
    • Potter, author of One-upmanship; nor Parkinson (Awarded the Noble Prize in 1977 by the Association for the Promotion of Humour in Intemational Affairs), author of Parkinson's Law and other studies in administration, whose central premise was that "Work expands to fill the time available'': nor
    • Peter, author of The Peter Principle: that "People are promoted up to the level at which they function incompetently".
"Systemantics" is such an essential work for those working in (and especially with) international organizations that it is important that they should not be discouraged by any belief that it is primarily concerned with matters outside their frame of reference. For this reason we list below the "Basic Systems Axioms, etc" from the book with indications as to how (in the reviewer's opinion) they relate to the domain of international organizations in particular (rather than to the full range of systems created by humans, for such is the wide applicability of the author's insights). It is however essential to read the text to gain a full understanding of the application of these principles and all the consequences resulting from them.
Gall's Basic Systems Axioms
1. Systems in general work poorly or not at all
This is almost self-evident to those with any experience with the international system, its sub- systems, or with efforts to set up world-wide systems to solve key world problems. Practitioner's would undoubtedly feel more at home with one of his alternative formulations: Nothing complicated works.
2. New systems generate new problems
This principle, known to many of us, has never been admitted by international organizations. It is always assumed (or desperately hoped) that a new system will eliminate more problems than it generates - and that the latter, if present, will be the responsibility of some other organization or department. Gall is able to demonstrate that the new situation is in fact much worse than the old because people come to rely on the system's supposed ability to eliminate problems.
3. Systems operate by redistributing energy into different forms and into accumulations of different sizes
With a brilliant stroke of genius the author was able to deduce from the previous principle that the total problem complex facing the human community is unchanged by organized intervention -  the problems merely change their form, their distribution and their relative importance, namely that: The total amount of energy in the universe is fixed. The new term "energy" is defined as "any state or condition of the universe, or any portion of it, that requires the expenditure of human effort or ingenuity to bring it into line with human desires, needs, or pleasures"... namely a problem. In his own explorations of these fundamental questions this reviewer has noted that:
"Frequently a social problem can be eliminated to the satisfaction of all concerned (from the electorate to the policy- maker) by eliminating the particular set of symptoms by which it was recognized and which gave rise to the call for remedial action. Action of this kind merely ensures that a new set of symptoms emerges in some other social domain. The new set may well be considered more acceptable or may be less easy to focus on as the basis for an effective campaign for remedial action. Some time will also be required before the new set of symptoms can be effectively recognized.
It may in fact be very difficult for an organization to see that its programs merely displace a problem into the jurisdiction of some other body- whose own actions will eventually result in the problem being displaced back again or into the jurisdiction of a third body. (Institutions may deliberately move problems through a network of jurisdictions as a way of legitimating their own continued existence.) Such displacement may be difficult to detect because one set of symptoms may be apparent in legislation (e.g. legal discrimination), but when eliminated may then take on an economic character (e.g. economic discrimination), which if eliminated may then take on a social character (e.g. social discrimination), and then a cultural character, etc. Such displacement chains may loop back on themselves and develop side chains which are difficult to detect since each organization is insensitive to the problem symptoms in its own domain and considers symptoms of the same problem in other domains to be acceptable or of secondary importance (1).
To the extent that this is correct, it is certainly difficult to establish that the underlying problem matrix has been reduced by "success" with a particular problem.
4. Systems tend to grow, and as they grow, they encroach
Here again those familiar with international agencies have been exposed to a multitude of cases of encroachment by one agency (or more) on another. As Hasan Ozbekhan put it with regard to subsystems, during an OECD Symposium on Long-range Forecasting and Planning:
"In every instance we might name, the same dynamics appear to be at work: a reflexive attempt on the part of each major institution to expand its planning over the space of the whole system... This almost subconsciously motivated attempt, that of a sector to expand over the whole space of the system in its own particular terms and in accordance with its own particular outlooks and traditions, compounds the problem by further fragmenting the wholeness of the system" (2).
Gall suggests that the above principle should be extended to: Systems tend to expand to fill the known universe. Known to them, might be an appropriate qualifier. And indeed one may suspect that many international organizations consider that they have a right to preoccupy themselves with any problem known to them in whatever domain, irrespective of any other organization's actions. This has been remarked with respect to practitioners of disciplines. "It would be rare indeed if a representative of any one of these disciplines did not feel that his approach to a particular organizational problem would be very fruitful, if not the most fruitful" (3).
5. Complex systems exhibit unpredictable behaviour
Many strange tales circulate within the international community concerning peculiar happenings which are treated as normal, and inconsistencies which are accepted without a qualm. At the time this is being written, for example, there is a proposal for a full UN General Assembly debate on UFOs, following an extensive debate in 1977 by the UN Special Political Committee. If it is accepted, more time will have been given to the matter than has ever been given to international NGOs. It would indeed have been difficult to predict such behaviour in 1976
Is one to assume that UFOs are more visible, or less obscure entities, within UN circles - namely that UFOs have greater political impact ? Or that the UN finds it safer to debate extra- terrestrial rather than terrestrial matters - especially since there seems little danger of pressure group action from the group in question ? Or are Member States dismayed at the UFOs' fulsome demonstration of the transnational spirit - in their apparent disregard for the sacred boundaries of sovereign States ? Or perhaps it is the "proliferation" of UFOs which is troubling the UN -- as in its dealings with NGOs ?
6. Complex systems tend to oppose their own proper function
Otherwise known as Le Chatelier's Principle, this has been described by Stafford Beer as follows:
"Reformers, critics of institutions, consultants in innovation, people in sort who "want to get something done", often fail to see this point They cannot understand why their strictures, advice or demands do not result effective change. They expect either to achieve a measure of success in their own terms or to be flung off the premises. But an ultrastable system (like a social institution)... has no need to react in either of these ways. It specialises in equilibrial readjustment which is to the observer a secret form of change requiring no actual alteration in the macro-systemic characteristics that he is trying to do something about" (4).
Gall himself considers it to be a manifestation of a widespread phenomenon known as "administrative encirclement", whereby, for example, the administrators "whose original purpose was to keep track of writing supplies for the professors, now have the upper hand and sit in judgment on their former masters".
7. People in systems do not do what the system says they are doing
It has long been evident to those concerned with the international system that the people in the agencies are not engaged in action to remedy world problems - as the systems would claim - but rather in administrative preoccupations whose relationship to such problems may be remarkably tenuous. As Gall says, "the larger and more complex the system, the less the resemblance between the true function and the name it bears''.
8. A function performed by a larger system is not operationally identical to the function of the same name performed by a smaller system.
Gall explains this with the problem of obtaining a fresh apple. The larger and more complex the delivery system, the less likely it is that the apple will be as fresh as if picked from the garden by oneself. From which he deduces a point of the utmost importance for international action, and for the new world order, namely that most of the things we human beings desire are non- systems things - but the system has other goals and other people in mind.
9. The real world is whatever is reported to the system
This is a point which has been explored in depth by Kenneth Boulding in his famous book "The Image" (5). Reality becomes the image of reality, however poorly it is represented. There are many examples of this within the international system which has a remarkable capacity for "discovering" some new principle or truth long after it has been current in the wider society. As Gall remarks: "to those within a system, the outside reality tends to pale and disappear". This weakness is reinforced, perhaps deliberately, by the system's complex reporting procedure - which is often so cumbersome that it is always able to claim plaintively "we were not informed", in cases when it did not want to be informed. Gall describes a significant breakthrough by which the "amount of reality" reaching an administrative officer can be indicated with precision.
10. Systems attract systems people
Not only, as argued above, do the international systems isolate those who work within them by (a) feeding them a distorted and partial version of the external world, and (b) giving them the illusion of power and effectiveness, they also attract people with attributes for success within the system (irrespective of the problems with which it is supposedly concerned), or who are able to thrive parasitically at the expense of the system. Gall goes to the heart of the matter when he points out that only the ancient Egyptians had a solution to this problem: each fob was represented by two people - the honorary officeholder, and the actual executive.
11. The bigger the system, the narrower and more specialised the interface with individuals
The irony of the opening words of the UN Charter has often been pointed out this context ("We the peoples..."). Gall argues that in "very large" systems, the relationship is not with people but with social security and sundry other numbers. But in really large systems, there is no relationship at all. What hope would there be with a "world government", or a new world order when the "people organizations" are those most neglected by such large systems.
12. A complex system cannot be "made" to work; it either works or it doesn't
There is still a widespread belief that a complex international system can be made to work by appropriately tinkering with its components and their linkages. New factions are constantly putting forward claims that they know how to make it work. A lot of hope is put into the possibility that one of them may be lucky - a lot of time is also wasted in anticipation of such an improbable event.
13. A simple system may or may not work
Those simple systems that work within the international community are "rare and precious additions to the armamentarium of human technology. They should be treasured". Unfortunately, Gall notes, they are often characterised by instability requiring special skill in their operation. Replacing "the crazy genius in a smoked-filled attic" by a computer program to handle some complex scheduling job may lead to a very expensive disaster
14. If a system is working, leave it alone
Gall notes that "Although many of the world's frustrations are rooted in the malfunctions of complex systems, it is important to remember that some complex systems actually function". When this occurs, "humble thanks" should be offered.
15. A complex system that works is invariably found to have evolved from a simple system that works
See under point 16.
16. A complex system designed from scratch never works and cannot be patched up to make it work; you have to start over, beginning with a working simple system.
The author claims to have searched diligently for exceptions to these two axioms but without success me The League of Nations ? No. The United Nations ? Hardly. Nevertheless, the conviction persist among some that a working complex system will be found somewhere to have been established de nova, from scratch". There is still hope for the New International Economic Order.
17. In complex systems, malfunction and even total nonfunction may not be detectable for long periods, if ever.
Again those familiar with international agencies will not be surprised by this. Major international programmes have operated for decades before being proved a complete failure. On a much smaller scale there is the delightful story of the office tucked away in a major agency which for many years prepared periodic issues of a "current bibliography" with regular budgetary approval. No provision had ever been made, however, for the publication and distribution of the successive issues prepared and no one was aware of the work done, or made any use of it.
18. Large complex systems are beyond human capacity to evaluate
In support of this Gall cites C W Churchman:
"In general, we can say that the larger the system becomes, the more the parts interact, the more difficult it is to understand environmental constraints, the more obscure becomes the problem of what resources should be made available, and deepest of all, the more difficult becomes the problem of the legitimate values of the system" (6).
19. A system that performs a certain way will continue to operate in that way regardless of the need or of changed conditions.
The inertia of large bureaucracies is a well-recognized phenomenon. This does not prevent their advocates from believing that such agencies are well able to adjust rapidly to changing circumstances - to a crisis of multiple crises, for example. Donald Schon has drawn attention to the fact that many organizations are memorials to old problems.
20. Systems develop goals of their own the instant they come into being.
And such goals can be only indirectly related to those for which the system was established. This is a reason to be concerned with plans to create a world government to solve problems we have not been able to handle nationally. Bigger systems do not necessarily lead to better solutions.
21. Intra-system goals come first
Gall notes:
"The reader who masters this powerful axiom can readily comprehend why the United Nations recently suspended, for an entire day, its efforts at dealing with drought, detente, and desert oil, in order to debate whether UN employees should continue to ride first class on airplanes".
There are other, and more biting, examples of this point.
22. Complex systems usually operate in failure mode
Clearly the more complex the system, the more probable it is that some parts will be under repair, "unavailable", or on holiday. The appropriate question is then not how an international agency ought to function, but how it actually functions in the normal absence of some parts (especially during the holiday months June to September, for example, or before the end of the post- prandial coffee break). This corresponds to the reviewer's insight, following a recent visit to a developing country, that we should primarily be concerned with inter-system conditions, namely those not covered by working systems for whatever reason. Organized chaos can be most instructive, particularly as a model for the post-petroleum epoch.
23. A complex system can fail in an infinite number of ways
Those who recognize the possibility of failure cannot hope to design effectively' against it as has been shown time and again. It might almost be said that such systems generate new methods of failure and educate people into increasing acceptance of them. In fact the international system may be characterised by the contrast between the extraordinarily high expectations of those who do not know its limitations and the extraordinarily low expectations of those who do.
24. The mode of failure of a complex system cannot ordinarily be predicted.
Donald Schon pointed out that the institutional complex that is supposed to contain the problem complex is in fact always out of phase with it. The implication is that a completely new approach is required, relying heavily on a network of bodies so constituted that it can rapidly restructure itself in response to any new problem configuration. The current institutional heavy artillery is just not sufficiently manoeuverable in a moving battle in difficult terrain.
25. The crucial variables are discovered by accident
Gall points out that the moment an institution is established to research into a new problem we are immediately faced with all the systems characteristics noted above. It is seemingly impossible for the system to achieve its goal - unless there is a "happy accident" of which there are many well-known examples (e.g. the discovery of nylon). In fact the crucial variables tend to be discovered by those with the "wrong" education, the "wrong" institutional framework and usually without intending to do so. Perhaps this is a good reason for encouraging a proliferation of organizations with strange preoccupations.
26. The larger the system, the greater the possibility of unexpected failure
Those concerned with a new world order, or the possibility of world government must face up to this.
27. "Success" or "function" in any system may be failure in the larger or smaller systems to which it is connected
This is a most important point for those who rely on the indicators designed, and provided, for the system they work in. However successful it may appear, or however much progress is regularly reported, the system may in fact merely be functioning as a problem reprocessing machine. Such machines take in problems of one type and transform them into problems of another type (by "solving" them). The new problems are not perceived as such, however, because they are carefully designed to be undetectable to the indicators of significance to the system. Alternatively they may be so well packaged and labelled that they are even claimed as positive contributions to society.
28. When a fail-safe system fails, it fails by failing to fail safe.
This is of course a point which has been well-recognized by those involved in the international campaign against nuclear energy and weaponry. But it can also apply to bureaucratic procedures with special escape clauses to safeguard against failure to deal with (urgent) humanitarian cases.
29. Complex systems tend to produce complex responses (not solutions) to problems.
World problems have given rise to very complex legal and instrumental responses, but it is certainly not clear that remedial action is achieving its aims- at least if one looks beyond the literature put out by public relations departments or the documents governed by the bureaucratic "positive/optimistic" standard of reporting (with appropriate suppression of inconvenient facts).
30. Great advances are not produced by systems designed to produce great advances.
This follows from point 25. Gall points out: "Systems can do many things, but one thing they emphatically cannot do is to solve problems. This is because problem-solving is not a systems- function and there is no satisfactory systems-approximation to the solution of a problem. A system represents someone's solution to a problem. The system does not solve the problem. Yet, whenever a particular problem is large enough and puzzling enough to be considered a capital "P Problem, men rush in to solve it by means of a System". The international problem- solving institutions, existing or proposed, cannot be taken seriously until the implications of this point are examined. Gall notes that the solutions usually come from bodies whose qualifications would never satisfy a selection committee. If this is the case, and many examples are available, what sort of international network of bodies is required ?
31. Systems aligned with human motivational vectors will sometimes work; systems opposing such vectors work poorly or not at all.
There are already a number of examples of powerful international agency information systems that have failed because they ran up against the real priorities and interests of those they were designed to serve.
32. Loose systems last longer and work better
Gall points out that efficient systems are dangerous to themselves and to others whether they survive, attempt to survive, or fail. The notion of a "loose system" of course approximates the current tentative understanding of a network. How to facilitate network action and network building is something that is regularly explored in these columns. A breakthrough is needed.
In conclusion
The book is fun but also challenging to the reader who is constantly faced with the question "just how true is this in fact ?" - - given the examples cited by the author or known to the reader. That there is an underlying profundity is difficult to deny.
ComplementaryPerspectivesBigPicturesandS_img3.gif Complemntary Views: Limits to Human Potential
The point of this document is therefore to draw attention to a series of constraints or difficulties which seem to prevent mankind from responding successfully to the current crisis condition of the world. It is not the intention to focus on conventional, well-publicized difficulties or inequalities which many assume to be at the origin of the current unsatisfactory situation. Arguments of this type have been put forward on many occasions and from many points of view. Many are summarized in the Yearbook which describes some 2600 recognized world problems.
This document is concerned with highlighting those difficulties which prevent the successful achievement of the objectives of any remedial programme of social significance at this time. It is particularly concerned with those cases where there is consensus concerning the desirability of remedial action, specially where some coherent plan of action has been formulated, and where the usual problems of funding and other programme resources have been eliminated.
This document is also concerned with highlighting those difficulties which prevent the successful implementation of programmes designed to facilitate human development and for the full realization of human potential not as remedial action, but in an attempt to go beyond what has already been achieved.
Just as it is not the intention to focus on well-publicized difficulties, the focus is also restricted to the kinds of difficulty experienced even when the individuals and organizations concerned perceive themselves to be sincerely working in the interests of mankind as a whole, whether within their community or through transnational bodies. It is not concerned with difficulties deriving from corruption, deliberate misuse of structures, procedures and processes, or actions of other than benevolent intent, however limited the domain of application.
The question could be raised as to whether there is any benefit in identifying such difficulties, given that we all know that there are obstacles to significant change. Also, many of these difficulties have been described at great length in more suitable contexts. In answer, however, there does seem to be a case for attempting to portray within one framework the variety of interacting difficulties as they stand at the moment. There Is usually a tendency to bury such recognition in the postmortem on some programme which has failed - and, to avoid offence, such analysis is usually made informally or in documents whose circulation is highly restricted. By treating these difficulties as independent of any particular named context, they can be considered with less emotion and defensiveness. Hopefully by expressing them in this way, it will be possible to provoke a creative response which will show a way past the limits as defined.
Many would also claim that most of these problems would be eliminated if humanity organized itself within one ideological framework, under one governmental system, with one system of ethics or values, with one religion, within one legal framework, etc. Whilst any or all of these may emerge as an attempt to respond to the immediate crises, it is unclear just how long humanity would be satisfied with such frameworks. History would seem to indicate that the period of satisfaction becomes increasingly shorter. It is brought to an end by the re-emergence of one or more of the limits or constraints on social interaction which are noted in this document. These limits would seem to function to protect the psycho-social diversity of humanity - which may be of most importance for its long-term survival. At the same time, we are faced with the paradoxical situation that they also appear to prevent the degree of social interaction and organization which seems to be essential for any adequate response to the current crises.
The full realization of human potential is associated in some way with the development of diversity restrained or contained by some unifying framework. Debate and social experiment will continue to focus on the meaning to be attached to "diversity" and "unifying framework and the forms to which they can usefully give rise under different conditions.
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Few of the perceptions in this document are original. Some have been recorded many times. It may be useful to include references in a later version.

1. Limited tolerance of interaction
In discussion about the psycho-social system within which we are immersed and of which we form a part, we define features of that system such as as concepts, organizations, roles, etc. We are aware that these interact in a variety of ways. There is consensus that the extent of this interaction is very great, because society is so complex. It is therefore widely agreed that it is impossible to give adequate consideration to all interactions. This is the basis for the current division of labour in which special concern is given by some people or groups to some features of society - but few are able to give consideration to much beyond their own central concern. We cannot allow ourselves to be sensitive to too many interactions or else we would be recognizing a situation of such complexity that we would be unable to determine where or how to act.
It becomes increasingly easy to act as we limit the number of interactions to which we are sensitive and which we feel obliged to define as relevant. To the extent that we can manage to define interactions as irrelevant, we therefore increase our immediate freedom of action.
Clearly, however, those interactions which we define as irrelevant and which we successfully avoid taking into consideration, will eventually have some impact on the actions which we undertake. Very strong interactions which are ignored may prevent our project or programme from even getting through its first phase, thus necessitating a general re- assessment during which those factors would presumably be taken into account. Weaker interactions which are ignored may simply prevent the project or programme from being evaluated as a success once terminated. The evaluation may not even clearly identify them and the responsible organizations may justify the continued use of the same project formula by deliberately or unconsciously interpreting the project evaluations in order to highlight whatever positive results they can claim to have achieved without fear of credible contradiction.
Interactions of an even weaker nature may never be detected. They may simply have the effect of completely eroding the positive achievements of a programme over periods of time corresponding to the degree of weakness of the interaction. Clearly such interactions will not be noted if they are only evident 5, 10 or 50 years after the completion of the original programme -  namely beyond the time horizon of any political group bent on re-election.
Interactions are not all negative in consequence by any means. Clearly ignoring positive interactions may prevent them from being used to ensure the success of the programme - whether In the short-term or in the long-term.
1.1 Limits to inter-organizational interaction
Although we have a very clear theoretical and operational understanding of the way single organizations, groups or institutions function, this understanding does not extend to include the way groups of organizations function together as a network. Even when a person within an organization interacts daily with client organizations, competitor organizations, pressure groups, etc., the perspective is still very much a case of "we" and "they"
This therefore means that the ability of a particular group or institution to function skillfully within a network of other bodies is essentially limited to a strategy of self-advantage. This may however be partially compensated by some understanding of the needs or responsibilities of the larger group of bodies to which it belongs (e.g. industrial sector, charitable bodies, or academic societies. etc.), but again this is largely seen in terms of self-advantage.
Cooperation between organizations, if it occurs, is most developed between two organizations, where each is directly aware of its own advantage. Such cooperation is decreasingly successful as the number of organizations involved in the network increases. This is matched by a rapid decrease in the sophistication of interorganizational mechanisms used as well as a reduction in expectation of the benefits of such cooperation. So, for example, a group of 20 or more bodies might be quite satisfied to have an occasional meeting together at which praise would be given to the notion of cooperation between them and to the exchange of ideas. Any activities for the group proposed within such a contexts would tend to be of symbolic or token significance only and would have to be defined such as not to constitute any form of threat to the sensibilities of any of the group.
These difficulties are increased where the organizations involved are of a different nature, have a different structure, or use different modes of action (e.g. governmental/ nongovernmental, profit/nonprofit, research/action programme, etc.). As the diversity increases, so does the tendency of each subgroup to perceive the activity of others as being of marginal relevance or importance.
Clearly with such constraints, it is difficult to achieve any concerted interorganizational strategy to make best use of the resources of the network in question in order to achieve significant change. In fact, even if the organizations are of an extremely activist nature, the conservatism and paralysis of the network as a network - increases as the number of organizations involved increases.
It Is for this reason that any attempt to "mobilize" a network of organizations behind some particular issue or banner succeeds to the extent that large numbers of organizations are prepared to express agreement on fundamental issues (e.g. environment, human rights, etc.). It fails to the extent that such expressions, whilst sincere, are usually of a token nature and do not constitute an operational mobilization of any significance. The simplistic attempts by activist organizations to achieve such mobilization appeal to only a limited number of bodies. The others do not wish to be absorbed into activities which deny the significance of their own special approach or concern.
1.2 Limits to inter-disciplinary interaction
The need to interrelate the approaches of different disciplines, in order to understand a social problem situation and to be able to recommend appropriate remedial programmes, is now increasingly recognized. The "inter-disciplinary" approach is now in fashion and an essential element in many requests for programme funds. However, on closer examination, it is possible to discover that this requirement, far from constituting any form of progress, is only the symptom of the pathological state of knowledge at this time. The specialization without limit of scientific disciplines has resulted in an increasing fragmentation of the epistemological horizon. Specialists cannot be asked to testify with regard to the unification of the sciences insofar as these specialists by their vocation and training are ignorant of, or deny this very unity. Even those who profess to stand for the unification of the sciences cannot be trusted, for each one of them would be satisfied in defining their familiar point of view, and more or less justifying their own individual presuppositions.

Teaching and research institutions reinforce the above separation through administrative procedures which tend to eliminate communications with Institutions associated with other disciplines. The division of intellectual space into smaller and 'Smaller compartments and the multiplication of institutions which assume the management of each such territory results in the formation of a feudal system which governs the majority of scientific teaching and research enterprises.

When an "interdisciplinary" approach is used it most often consists in bringing together (for a meeting or project) specialists from different disciplines, in the simplistic belief that such an assembly would suffice to bring about a common ground and a common language between individuals who have nothing else in common. The reports or results of such activities neither achieve nor attempt to achieve any synthesis other than the purely spatial juxtaposition of viewpoints and constraints.

Few of the societal problems at this time can adequately be handled within any one discipline. Such problems result from the interaction of social, economic, technological, political religious, psychological, biological and other factors. Understanding requires an integration of the relevant disciplinary perspectives. Such integration however must be much more than the synthesis of results obtained by independently conducted unidisciplinary studies. The synthesis, to be useful, must come during not after the performance of the research.

Where such interdisciplinary synthesis does take place, however, it is most successful between two closely related disciplines. Such integration is decreasingly successful as the number of disciplines involved increases. This is matched by a rapid decrease in the sophistication of the synthesis and a reduction in expectation of its benefits by those involved.
The difficulties are increased when the disciplines are of a different nature, have fundamentally different methodologies, or focus on very different subject matter. As the variety of disciplinary perspective increases, so does the tendency of each subgroup to perceive the activity of others as being of marginal relevance or Importance.
Clearly with such constraints it is difficult to achieve any concerted interdisciplinary activity to make best use of the intellectual resources available in order to guide significant change.
1.3 Limits to interaction between ideologies
Clearly the subtle and dramatic distinctions between the viewpoints of different ideological camps, and the political and governmental positions to which they give rise, impose severe limitations on the viability or permanence of any compromise.
1.4 Limits to interaction between information systems
In most domains of social activity large quantities of information are generated, stored, transferred, manipulated, retrieved, etc. To do this increasing use is made of sophisticated information systems which are being progressively transferred to computers. Once an information system has been developed, and the necessary administrative procedures and computer programmes have been adopted, modifications are costly and difficult to justify .

Since most information systems are designed to support and facilitate the activities of particular institutions by which they are funded, the constraints on inter-organizational collaboration (see ) and the inertia associated with such systems combine to prevent any interaction between information
systems - even when this is acknowledged by all parties as being beneficial.

The consequence is that even when essential information is available it cannot be brought together easily, if at all, in order to guide decisions with regard to effective action. Also, the more different the information systems or the organizations responsible for them, the more difficult it becomes to achieve any useful degree of integration between such systems. This is particularly the case when such systems, although containing related data, have such different purposes as: research, education, programme administration policy formulation, etc.
1.5 Limits to interaction between classification systems
Classification systems are widely used by disciplines and administrations, and within information systems of every kind. They are essential as a means of filtering and ordering the large amounts of information which must be handled within every social domain.

Most classification systems are designed and developed by a limited group of organizations whose priorities are necessarily reflected in the actual structure of their chosen system. The intellectual and financial investment in such systems, in the associated information systems (see . . ) and the constraints on inter-organizational collaboration (see .... ) combine to prevent any significant interaction between classification systems - even when this is acknowledged by all parties as being beneficial.

The consequence is that even when essential information is available, it cannot be converted from one classification system to another in order to interrelate corresponding data - even when the relationships between the information systems creates no obstacle. Comparing relevant data emerging through incompatible classification systems then becomes time-consuming and costly, if not impossible.
1.6 Limits to interaction between action programmes
Even when organizations and Institutions have some degree of inter-communication or common policy, their programmes in some particular geographical, topic or problem area may nevertheless be only nominally integrated if at all. This may lead to situations in which bodies which are supposedly collaborating In fact have programmes which compete for resources, conflict with one another, or even nullify each others positive achievements.

Such programme conflict, whatever its extent, may even be recognized and deplored by the responsible organizations. However, because of the cumbersomeness of the procedural and administrative apparatus through which they are obliged to work, it may be almost impossible to alleviate the situation. (Perhaps the most classical example is the situation in which a single road is dug up and repaired five times in succession by the local road authority, electricity authority, gas authority, water authority and telecommunications authority - because it Is easier to use resources in this way than to coordinate schedules.)

Clearly this situation imposes limits on the range of programmes which can be undertaken in a given area without the emergence of some form of conflict and wastage of resources.
1.7 Limits to resource sharing
There are many cases in which organizations of every kind have similar administrative problems and facilities (e.g. office space, office equipment, mailings, billing, secretarial and specialist staff, etc.). In such cases, whether or not they have similar concerns and there is any possibility or justification for actual programme collaboration, it would be possible for such organizations to save resources and increase their efficiency and effectiveness . This could be done by sharing those administrative facilities they have in common in order to reduce their general office overheads. A typical example Is for two bodies to share a photocopier, permitting them to eliminate one machine (if they each have one) or to justify the rental of a larger and more efficient one at greater cost.

The same argument can be applied to mailing and invoicing systems, accountancy staff, telephone and telex equipment, etc. And clearly the more organizations that can combine together, the greater the possibility of developing a resource saving formula which can lead to greater effectiveness.

Where different organizations with overlapping memberships hold separate meetings to which the same individuals are obliged to travel, there is a strong case for holding such meetings at the same place - if only to allow the individuals to save travel expenses. But clearly this approach also saves meeting overhead costs, allows for more cross-fertilization and facilitates the emergence of any joint meeting sessions or projects.

Resource sharing of this kind is relatively rare, even though in its absence many groups cannot function or have to reduce the level of their activity and hence their effectiveness. It is very difficult for organizations to distinguish their separate programme concerns from their common administrative problems leading, in the extreme, to cases where an organization refuses to share an accountant or a photocopier, for example, because it might be interpreted as approval or support for the other's programme or condoning the other's interference in its own programmes.

Clearly with such constraints much remedial programme action is severely handicapped, if not impossible; and this is self-righteously accepted as being due to lack of adequate resources.
1.8 Limits to interaction between modes of action
For many domains of activity special attention must be given to such disparate concerns as: research to advance knowledge, education to disseminate that knowledge to students, public information to reformulate that knowledge for a wider public, programme administration to use that knowledge in the course of programme activity, policy formulation to use that knowledge to reformulate programme strategy, etc.

These different concerns may be the responsibility of different departments within one institutional framework, or else they may be the prime activity of several distinct and independent organizations. In either case, the different approaches and emphases - the different modes of activity - make interaction between such activities difficult to maintain and easy to treat as of low priority. This is so despite the fact that inadequacy In any of such special concerns has more or less delayed negative effects on the others. If, for example, a research advance takes several years to enter the educational system, it will take longer to be taken into account in policy formulation and programme management. Equally, if so new difficulty emerges in the course of an action programme, it may take years before it is recognized as a valid topic of research.

Clearly such lack of integration, and the consequent lags introduced, constitute a severe handicap in any attempt to respond to rapidly evolving crises.
1.9 Limits to interaction between preferred perceptual modes
Different modes of communication appeal to different people due to a mix of factors such as: educational background, tradition, cultural context, personal preferences, experience, etc. A particular Individual, or class of individuals (e.g. sociologists, artists, etc.) will therefore tend to have a preference for material structured according to one or more such fairly distinct modes as: written textual presentation, formal verbal presentation (at a lecture), informal verbal presentation (face-to-face dialogue) , dramatic representation (theatre, cinema, etc.), concrete experience (in physical contact with the situation) , audio- visual representation, use of abstract structured presentations (matrices, graphs, models, etc.), mathematical equations, and so on.

If, therefore, a person prefers to receive information through a formal lecture or debate It may then be very difficult to communicate with that person through written material in the form of a report - however well it is structured and illustrated. The opposite will also be true.

It is very costly and time consuming to "translate" the same information content for presentation in terms of each of these different perceptual modes, particularly since each mode lends itself to certain emphases which are lost in the others as Is the case between any language.

Clearly it then becomes very difficult, if not impossible, to communicate between very different groups of people without loss of impact, distortion or complete loss of significant content.
1.10 Limits to interaction between preferred modes of change
People tend to move or drift through the social system into those groups and organizations which are engaged in the change processes most congenial to them. As individuals develop they may reach stages when a given change process and its organizational support seems unfruitful or unsuited to their desire for self- expression. The individual needs fresh fields to conquer, a new life-style or a new mode of work. The development of the individual implies life-style mobility and organizational and social change. Social change and development requires development of the individual to adapt to new challenges.

The difficulty is that society currently sanctions movement within organizational and career systems but not between them. The individual is therefore forced into one particular mode of self-expression for his whole working life unless he wishes to run the risk of being labelled a grass-hopper or dilettante, or of being viewed as an ignorant outsider (a "foreigner") in the systems into which he attempts to move.

Within one system an individual can of course develop other modes of self-expression but only as secondary modes within the constant and overriding primary mode (e.g. as an executive in the business system, an individual can move from a high technology corporation to a commercial art corporation; the switch from science to art is contained within the unchanging management framework.).

The problem is therefore whether it is possible to provide an organizational setting in which an individual can develop secondary modes of expression and allow any of them to become primary for any desired length of time.

The problem is complicated by the very radical nature of the differences between approaches to change as well as between the corresponding modes of expression of the individual engaged in them. There does not appear to be any systematic listing of change strategies, but the following list is an indication of the variety.
    • political action
    • scientific and technological development
    • economic and financial development
    • education, training
    • art, music
    • architectural and machine design, urban planning
    • religious faith, prayer
    • social engineering, social development
    • philosophical or esoteric understanding
    • behavioural and perceptual modifications by drugs
    • public information, media, propaganda
    • community development
    • drama, theatre
    • organizational development
    • legislative action
    • military or police action
    • direct action, violent civilian protest
    • personal encounter, dialogue, sex
    • self -exploration, meditation
    • mediation, negotiation
    • manual labour
Ironically, the proponents of a particular form of change tend to perceive it as the only viable or significant form (e.g. to a political activist everything of any significance is political). They are unable to detect the manner in which their action is counter-balanced, checked, contained or even undermined by the other forms of change. Similarly it is not possible to determine how such different strategies can be blended harmoniously together into a mix which can ensure appropriate change. No body has a mandate to attempt this, and no integrative discipline exists to legitimate such an approach.
1.11 Limits to interaction determined by levels of ability
Intellectual, affective and physical skills are very unequally distributed within any society. Aside from constituting a problem in its own right (and as such not dealt with here), such unequal distribution introduces major obstacles to interaction within society. These may of course be aggravated by associated problems of class, culture, race, etc. but they may also be independent of them as well as of factors such as: educational background, experience, tradition, etc. Affective handicaps, for example, are common in those with intellectual skills whatever their background.

In such a situation it is difficult to find a suitable content and a suitable mode of expression which will be considered meaningful by all those who need to be Involved in a coherent programme to remedy any problem situation. Excessive appeals to those with, or without, particular skills may merely serve to aggravate a crisis by ignoring either the contribution or the problem constituted by those with, or without, those skills .
1 .12 Limits to inter-species interaction
Humanity dwells upon this planet as one species amongst several million plant and animal species upon many of which it is directly, or indirectly, dependent. The relationship is not one- sided, for many of these species are increasingly dependent, whether directly or indirectly, on humanity's activities and protection.

In an increasingly urbanized environment, however, a decreasing proportion of the voting population has much direct conscious contact with more than a few species. The vast majority of plant and animal species, and the complex ecosystems In which they are embedded, have little more than curiosity value for most people.

It is probable that the full realization of human potential cannot be achieved by progressively limiting the amount of contact between human and other species if only that the degree of such contact is one factor in any measure of the quality of human life. But the ability to sustain such contact is also an indicator of the ability of humanity to function as gardener or steward of the planet upon which it depends for its continued survival. Paradoxically, it is also the maturity associated with the ability to perceive the value of the total range of species which will also determine humanity's ability to respond adequately to extra- terrestrial species, whether intelligent or not.
1.13 Limits to interaction between disciplinary languages
To the extent that each science is a well-formed language, each language thus created encloses the associated knowledge in an axiomatic space isolated from that of similar languages. Knowledge expressed through one language cannot be "translated" Into that of another language by any theoretically acceptable means. In particular any such attempt cannot be legitimated from within the language of origin or from within the receiving language. (This is equivalent to the problem of translation between natural language - for which there is no theoretical basis) . As with natural language translation, all that is possible is the establishment of some degree of analogy or isomorphism between statements in two languages. Clearly any such parallels are increasingly difficult to establish as the difference between the structure of the disciplinary languages increases.

Clearly the constraints that this imposes upon interdisciplinary discourse and the consequent inability to make full and widespread use of existing knowledge are a considerable handicap to the dissemination and application of that knowledge to remedy problem situations. The situation is not help by the development of specialized jargons incomprehensible outside a limited circle of initiates.
1.14 Limits to interaction between languages
The multiplicity of languages is a major dividing factor in world society, reinforcing geographical, socio- economic, political, ideological, professional and religious separatism. It prevents or hinders communication and the spread of education, and thus aggravates misunderstanding and mutual suspicion.

Clearly it may take many years, if ever, before a particular document is translated into any but the major world languages. This limits the opportunity of those who are not conversant with the major languages and creates isolated cultural pockets. The very quantity of material published in the major languages, and the natural disinclination to read in other than one's own language, may also establish significant barriers to transfer of knowledge even between major languages.

The problem is not simply one of translation, however, which may be relatively easy between languages of the same group (e.g. indo-european languages) or between industrialized countries . Where the translation is between languages with very different conceptual frameworks (e.g. English and Chinese) or into a language whose concept structure is relatively underdeveloped (or highly developed) in some domain, considerable difficulties may arise. Equivalent terms, tenses or distinctions may be lacking or else be present in an embarrassing abundance creating a problem of choice.

Points of significance may emerge as insignificant or naive in the translated context or take on excessive significance which make them unacceptable. Points clearly made may emerge as extremely ambiguous or poorly thought out whereas those made ambiguously may emerge as categoric. Metaphors and examples may render the translation unacceptable (because of their religious or moral connotations).
1.15 Limits to interaction from territoriality
It is widely assumed that people or organizations acting on problems are attempting to improve the system (as a whole). But in the case of politicians, academics, and organizations in general, it is not always the substantive problem which is important. This is in many cases merely a symbol for the territory constituted by the issue.
a . In the case of diplomacy or politics, issues are viewed as an opportunity for advancement of the nation or party and only incidentally, and as an unforeseen and occasional by-product, as a question which requires solution in its own right, independent of national interests or party politics.

b. Organizations in general, including supra-national agencies, are locked into complex games. Again it is not program effectiveness which is the criterion but rather the territory constituted by the problem for which the program was created. Organizations become "learning environments" and role habitats and have a system maintenance, rather than a system change, function. "The organization is the message."

c . In the academic environment, again it is territory which is the prime concern. A new hypothesis is viewed, if at all, as a territorial intrusion. Even if it is satisfactory, in terms of explanatory power, it will be analyzed in terms of opportunities for publishable criticism or counter proposals which will
improve the academic status of the scholar. A scholar must dissent to distinguish himself from his fellows.
Activity in politics, organizations or academe may be more directed to stabilizing a condition of fulfilling behaviour. As a result "more effective" or "more truthful" may become interpreted as doing more activity of the same kind. The tension required to detect and solve the problem, and the associated behaviour, may be considered a desirable feature of the environment and therefore oppose convergence to any "solution".

Much activity is therefore a question of "toumer autour du pot" in order to ensure maintenance of the status quo. One perceives a central but unintegrated truth which one does not wish to see integrated and expressed explicitly because this would "take apart" and render "transparent" one's system and life style.

Problems are recognized and organized for in order to provide a structured environment of such dimensions and complexity as is adequate for one's ability to respond.

The stimulus of the presence of the problem is a reinforcement to one's identity. It is selected to provide a domain on which one can demonstrate one's ability to master one's environment.
"Progress" and the acquisition by an individual or group of adequate "identity" may be basically incompatible. "Identity" is achieved in terms of certain organizational or conceptual structures or invariants which become progressively more widely recognized as one's identity is accepted as a reference point in society. But each person reaches a stage at which he feels he has found and is satisfied with his identity and associates it closely with a unique set of invariants defined as his territory.
Progress and social change are essentially the change in the constellation of organizational and conceptual patterns which govern behavior. Progress must therefore threaten those identified with any existing set of invariants. Their loss of identity may not be compensated by the opportunities for new identity in the new situation. The society may be stripped of identification opportunities causing the culture to decay or decrease in richness.
1.16 Limits to recognition of interaction between problems
Despite of much publicity, the number and complexity of the interrelationships between societal problems, whether at the world or community level, is still only adequately conceived by specialists. It is this large number of interrelationships which, whether ascertained or not, greatly restricts the range of action open to the policy maker. And it is this situation which has brought about the tendency for the solution of one problem to create a number of new ones, often in fields only distantly related at first sight to the original matter.

In this situation, even specialists have limited ability or inclination to determine just where other problems may emerge as a result of the implementation of their recommendation. Few specialists would refuse to accept that their own particular discipline had a key role to play in the response to any complex societal problem.

It is legitimate to query whether the question as to which are the 5 or 10 most important world problems is as ecologically inappropriate as asking which are the 5 or 10 most Important plants or animals in a complex food web interrelating hundreds of species. The relationships between problems may even be usefully conceived as analogous to the webs and trophic levels within which animals are embedded.

Because this situation Is not fully understood, there is a general disposition to envisage and treat the symptoms of trouble, particularly the more obvious ones, rather than to seek out and deal with root causes . Each specialist or decision-maker approaches the inter-problem complex from the point most familiar and relevant to him in the simplistic belief that such an approach will enable him to encompass all the problems relevant to the crisis which he faces.

Clearly in such circumstances there is a strong possibility that the complexity of the inter- problem network with which humanity is faced is greater than that which its organizational and intellectual resources are capable of comprehending and containing. Over-ready acceptance of this is used to justify simplistic crisis management policies and priorities.
1.17 Limits to recognition of interaction between values
The debate on social policy at the local, national or world level is full of appeals to concepts such as equality, justice, peace and liberty. These are abstract concepts of great ambiguity and imprecision. In part, their power and usefulness is due to this, since each generation is then obliged to redefine the content to be associated with such terms.

The vagueness attached to the notion of values in the formulation of social policy has led to the proposal of a multiplicity of definitions and key values. Despite the interest in the matter and the vigour of the ongoing debate, no means has been discovered of interrelating the variety of currently proposed values in a manner which has any universal appeal or significance.

Indeed there is widespread recognition that the rate of value change is increasing to a point at which it is no longer possible to predict with any accuracy the major value shifts which now occur within the time period of one generation.

Clearly under such circumstances, when there are conflicting appeals to different values and ethical systems, it is extremely difficult to formulate any stable value-based social policy.
1.18 Limits to interrelating pre-logical personality biases
At the basis of the personality of every person or group there is a set of pre-rational temperamental biases which are reflected in the individual or group aesthetical or theoretical products and In the value preferences. These may be positioned somewhere along axes of bias such as the following:
1 . Order vs disorder, namely the range between a preference for fluidity, muddle, chaos, etc. and a preference for system, structure, conceptual clarity, etc .

2. Static vs dynamic, namely the range between a preference for the changeless, eternal, etc. and a preference for movement, for explanation in genetic and process terms, etc .

3. Continuity vs discrete, namely the range between a preference for wholeness, unity, etc. and a preference for discreteness, plurality, diversity, etc.

4. Inner vs outer, namely the range between a preference for being able to project oneself into the objects of one's experience (to experience them as one experiences oneself), and a preference
for a relatively external, objective relation to them.

5. Sharp focus vs soft focus, namely the range between a preference for clear, direct experience and a preference for threshold experiences which are felt to be saturated with more meaning than is immediately present.

6. This world vs other world, namely the range between a preference for belief in the spatio- temporal world as self- explanatory and a preference for belief that it is not self- explanatory (but can only be comprehended in the light of other factors and frames of reference) .

7. Spontaneity vs process, namely the range between a preference for chance, freedom, accident, etc. and a preference for explanations subject to laws and definable processes.
Such pre-logical biases may be at the base of choice of life- style, discipline, policy, mode of action, mode of presentation of information, etc. To the extent that people have very different profiles In terms of these axes, every particular position, viewpoint or programme will have only limited appeal.
1.19 Limits to interaction between religions
Despite of increasingly widespread recognition of common or overlapping values and concerns underlying the majority of religions, the ability of organized religions to find some basis for formal interaction amongst themselves remains low. This is not only the case between religions having the same historical origin, but even more so between religions of different historical origin.

Clearly to the extent that organized religions continue to be considered the guardians of social values, the difficulties they and their converts have in acknowledging the significance of each other's values are an indicator of a fundamental constraint upon the full realization of human potential.
1.20 Limits to interaction between tribes or ethnic groups
1.21 Limits to interaction between classes or castes
1.22 Limits to interaction between cultures
1.23 Limits to inter-personal trust
In an increasingly urbanized and mechanized society people are forced into positions of greater physical proximity and face-to-face contact with one another. In many cases there Is an increasing possibility that they will either incur unwelcome obligations as a result of such contact or be exploited. Consequently people feel it necessary for their own psycho- social well-being to limit severely the confidence they place In others in such daily encounters to the point of avoiding involvement in assisting at the scene of accidents or in other personal crises to which they are exposed.

Clearly this increasing tendency, whilst a protection for the individual, constitutes a constraint upon the full development of human potential in modern society.
1.24 Limits to relationships between sexes
Clearly the difficulties encountered In organizing social and personal relationships to take into account and balance the qualities and attributes of both sexes constitute a fundamental barrier to the full realization of human potential. The complications resulting from persistence in inadequate attempts to achieve this balance, or to compensate for the failure to achieve It, or to create the impression that it has been achieved, only serve to aggravate the situation.
1.25 Limits to intra-familial relationships
Clearly the progressive erosion in the ability to create and maintain a family environment rich in psycho-social meaning constitutes a significant deprivation both for the growing child and for the maturing adult. This is the case whether it is a question of the traditional nuclear family, an extended family circle or any communal living substitute. This impoverishment of the psycho- social environment, and its significance for the psycho-social integration of the individual, constitutes a fundamental constraint upon the full realization of human potential.
1.26 Limits to inter- generation relationships
Due to the fragmentation of society and the alienation of significant proportions of the younger generation from the values, social structures and modes of activity of the elder generations, the difficulties arising from the generation gap are increasing. It Is no longer certain that the younger generation can be significantly involved in programmes of importance to the older generation. It is no longer certain that the younger generation will be particularly interested in the plight of the very old. Equally, however, it is certain that the older generations will refuse to relinquish their traditional hold on the direction and manner of evolution of society. This built-in conflict situation clearly constitutes a significant constraint upon the full realization of human potential in society.
2. Absence of over-arching psycho-social structures
In most psycho-social domains there is an acknowledged lack of any overarching structure which could provide a framework to interlink the preoccupations within that domain. Examples include: the absence of any world governmental structure of significant power, the absence of any value or ethical system of universal significance, the absence of any adequate system of world law, the absence of any world religion, the absence of any worldwide comprehensive information system, the absence of any worldwide subject classification system, the absence of any philosophy or ideology of universal appeal, the absence of any system unifying the sciences, etc. Whilst any such structure might well have a negative or constraining influence on activities of the domain in question, the importance of its integrating effect must be recognized, whether or not it is implemented by force or without the full understanding of those whose dissenting viewpoints are suppressed or condemned. The absence of such structures also hinders any recognition of the interrelationships within the domain in question.
Paradoxically it appears that, just as in natural ecosystems, it is only where such over-arching structures are present that a wide variety of subordinate units can be tolerated, for otherwise such units "compete" amongst themselves for resources, thus maintaining the variety of the system at a relatively low level. (The presence of such structures also makes It possible to conceive of the world as "functionally round" rather than in terms of completely unrelated "functional continents".)

Clearly despite the repressive threat that they constitute, the absence of such structures constitute a constraint upon the full realization of human potential.
3. Limits to the use of hierarchical approaches
In every social domain there is a predilection for simplistic hierarchical organization of the interrelationships between concepts, between organizational units, between problems and wherever else there is a need for classification. And yet society is constantly exposed to evidence that these hierarchies do not contain the complexity with which they have to deal, nor do they facilitate the emergence of styles of organization more complex than the hierarchical.

Category systems of a hierarchical nature tend to become concretized in information retrieval systems and the hierarchical structure of organizations and their programmes. They tend to govern the way meetings or curricula are organized. In every such case they emphasize the vertical part/whole relationship and preclude any focus on part/part relationships, or relationships of one part to several distinct wholes . The ability to focus on interrelationships is therefore severely limited at a time when it is precisely such a focus which is required to grasp the social complexity to which we are exposed. At the same time it is the hierarchical approach which is easiest to formulate, implement and communicate and therefore in time of crisis, it is the approach most likely to be used.

(An interesting parallel is the ease with which individuals are organized within regiments within the traditional army hierarchy and the handicaps under which they operate in attempting to handle guerilla networks.)
4. Limits arising from behaviour in complexity
In a complex psycho-social environment In which those involved must simplify their perception of their surroundings in order to be able to act and survive, additional dynamics occur. Individuals, groups and institutions use that part of the environment upon which they have some conceptual or operational hold as a "territorial" base from which to interact with others. There therefore emerges a form of territorial behaviour in which each attempts to build up the significance and size of his own territory at the expense of others. This occurs between organizations, between disciplines or schools of thought, between languages, between cultures, between ideologies, between religions, between values, etc; in fact within all the domains denoted by the "inter" limits identified earlier.

Having acquired a hold on a part of any domain, the individual or group in effect transforms it into a fortress which has to be defended against enemies from without and against rivals from within. Survival demands an expertise in strategy and tactics which may well involve obstructing the development of the portion of the domain over which control has been achieved.

There is a marked parallelism between the well-known behavioural dynamics evident in the history of the relations amongst groups established on geographical territories (from tribes to nation-states) and the seldom- acknowledged dynamics of the relations amongst individuals and groups which have established the 'functional territories' noted above. Both the geographical and functional territories offer opportunities for equivalent structures and processes, with the latter providing an opportunity for a psycho-culturally satisfactory substitute for geographical area dynamics in a world with limited space. It is evident however that this opportunity is used wherever possible to repeat the unfortunate historical experiences associated with geopolitical territory. Thus parallels to the well-known systems of empire- building, colonialism, feudalism, slavery, cold-war, isolationism, fascism may currently be found amongst organizations, amongst disciplines and schools of thought, amongst cultures, amongst religions, amongst value systems, amongst languages, etc.

clearly when every new field of opportunity provokes and encourages a repetition of the same social learning cycle, merely displacing the associated oppression to a new domain, this constitutes a significant constraint upon the full realization of human potential.
5. Limited ability to cooperate
There is a marked inability for individuals, groups or institutions to cooperate. This is the case whether their interests and concerns are the same or different. When the same, they compete for the same resources and find themselves obliged to safeguard and promote their own advantage by denigrating the merits of others and emphasizing their weaknesses. When different, they may still compete for the same resources and find themselves obliged to safeguard and promote their own advantage by denigrating the concerns of others and emphasizing their irrelevance. In both cases hostility may well be overt.

Clearly this constraint prevents the full realization of human potential.
6. Limits of knowledge and experience
Individuals, groups and institutions which have built up a fund of knowledge, experience and understanding for themselves tend to be primarily concerned with the elaboration, implementation, and wider recognition of their own perspectives - whatever the merits of other perspectives . The experiences which they have had to endure to bring them to their position of expertise, understanding and eminence frequently leave them battle-scarred, idiosyncratic and unable to work with others. They may well be unconscious of their own defects and their negative effects in any situation.

Such individuals and groups usually acquire their knowledge and understanding in contexts upon which they are not free to comment, because of the classified or sensitive nature of the information. Consequently a situation develops in which those who know are severely limited in their ability to pass on or disseminate their knowledge, whilst those who are able to do so are usually misinformed but cannot be contradicted.

Clearly these constraints upon the use of expertise impose restrictions upon the full realization of human potential.
7. All in everything
It is frequently appreciated that everything is interconnected and that every issue has to be examined in terms of its potential relationship to other issues. But in debate on any matter, there is seldom consensus on how issues should be distinguished and interrelated. One response is to consider issues in isolation and assume there are no relevant interconnections. Where there is consensus on the importance of interconnections, the only others response is to attempt to consider everything in every forum of debate. This is then used as an excuse for simplifying the issues and picking out those which are "most important" .

Consequently whatever the macro-issue under discussion, debating points on any related topics are considered relevant. However, since the relative importance accorded to such points is based on changing political considerations rather than substantive ones, such debates are unable to converge on any implementable programme of significance which takes account of the manner in which the problems are interlinked. Such debates then become arenas in which the desire to resolve the Issues is merely reaffirmed and the participants blame each other or third parties for not coming to grips with a situation they are unable to focus on.
8. Constraints of space and time
Increasingly people, particularly those in positions of responsibility, find that they have little time: to read and absorb information relevant to their tasks, to learn new skills relevant to their tasks, to travel to environments where they could absorb alternative perspectives on their concerns, or to relax and digest what they have acquired.

Compounding the problems of shortage of time are those of distance. The physical separation of locations from which useful experience may be obtained, and the cost of transport, are such as to hinder the widespread dissemination of knowledge and understanding.

By the time a person has determined what information he really needs, found the appropriate document, requested it from some distant location, obtained it, absorbed the relevant information, and formulated some plan of action, that information may well no longer be relevant to the problem as It has subsequently evolved. The time of access to information (particularly for non-elites) now tends to be a significant proportion of (if not greater than) the life-cycle of the crisis for which it is required.

These constraints lead to a simplification of the messages which are considered to be transferable through society. As a consequence society is divided up into pockets within which more complex and subtle messages can be successfully and usefully communicated - the more subtle the message, the smaller the pocket.
9. Erosion of confidence In organized relationships
In an increasingly urbanized and mechanized society, people are forced to depend to a greater extent upon a wide variety of organized relationships. These relationships which define some of the individual's different roles in society include: citizen/local government, citizen/state government. citizen/law enforcement agency, worker/trade union, consumer/advertiser, consumer / manufacturer, student/education system, reader/newspaper, employee/corporation, viewer/television, etc. These relationships become progressively more organized and out of the control of the Individual bound into them.
The perceived "distance" between the individual and the body controlling the relationship is increasingly greater. However, as this distance increases and information concerning manipulation, distortion and similar abuses of the relationship become Increasingly widespread, the individual's confidence in them as meaningful and beneficial to him decreases.
The next decades will probably see an increasing disenchantment on the part of the individual with any "distant" structure or chains of conceptual or organizational relationship which are supposed to be relevant to his concerns . The acceptable number of links in such chains "out" from the individual may be decreasing year by year. There is liable to be a general loss of confidence in links which the individual cannot inspect for himself. This applies to news media, TV documentaries, advertising, expert and political statements . This is significant because it is the projection of this confidence into such structures which provides the energy and oil to make our more sophisticated control structures work. Without such confidence, such structures can only persist as shells with symbolic value. Individuals will isolate themselves into relatively small communities.
It is widely recognized that the whole system is becoming less and less credible and acceptable to (i) the younger generation, (ii) the man- in-the- street, (iii) the developing world. As yet, however, we have no clear historical parallel to provide the necessary perspective. Perhaps a useful parallel is that of the place of the Catholic Church and religion in society after the Renaissance.
We now have a new Universal Church with its orders, namely the intergovernmental organization and its components bodies. In the interstices of this system we have new "protesting" sects, namely other organizations, governmental, academic, business, voluntary, trade union, and otherwise The Church considers itself the one true church and is anxious to enfold the dissenting and in some cases, heretical groups. The latter are anxious to spread their message at all costs. Most organizations are anxious to proselytize. There are ecumenical movements amongst the protesting organizations, for they realize that they lack the strength of unity.
We have with this system an organization-based society, just as that period had a religion- based society. One must belong to an organization. Organization has become a religion with a strangle-hold on thinking in the Western world. It is "the only way of getting things done" . The processes that cannot be organized are ignored or condemned - just as the activities in the past which could not be given a religious association were ignored or condemned. A non-religious perspective was inconceivable and smacked of heresy.
Today it is the younger generation which is opting out of the societal religion in search of a more organic life style. The results are condemned, as quackery, superstition, witchcraft and deviltry were condemned.
But the weakness of the organized society is that it is detached from the needs and individuality of the person - but particularly from his perspective. It is becoming "irrelevant". People increasingly slip through the grasp of organizations. (Our preoccupation with static organizational and conceptual structures may appear to the eyes of the future as irrelevant and irritating as does Columbus' preoccupation with the religious salvation of the Caribbean Indians .)
Clearly this erosion of confidence constitutes a real constraint on the realization of human potential within modern society.
10. Loss of community of discourse
The Increasing uniformity of terminology, and the reduction in the problems of translation and interpretation, undoubtedly facilitate formal communication and apparent agreement. Despite this however, such agreements are not well- grounded. Behind the misty wall of words, the diverse, even contradictory, interpretations, motivations and utlizations, are an indication of fundamental divisions concerning values, for example.

Meaning is no longer well-communicated, if it ever has been other than amongst an elite. There is much misinterpretation of meaning and intention in every domain. Each group works from different data sources, with different experience, and feels justified in rating the views of others as of secondary importance or irrelevant.

The written and spoken words are "babelizing" . Use of the written word with precise meanings is becoming equivalent to that of Latin as a medium useful for communication between those (in the academic and administrative worlds) committed to a rationalized, abstract perspective. It is increasingly irrelevant to the "lower" reaches of society. People can no longer read and comprehend items which do not reinforce their own views. For many, the written word is used as a visual symbol with floating meanings aimed at achieving an impression and an Involvement (cf. McLuhan). "Lower" here means poorly informed rather than the usual class distinction. Visual imagery is as yet at a crude stage of development equivalent to the old peasant dialects - the "Bible" has not yet been translated.

Those who can understand each other most completely are often precisely those forced to compete for resources, prestige, etc. , or who are fundamentally opposed to the point of being enemies. They therefore feel obliged to minimize the extent to which they exchange their latest thinking in any face- to-face contact by which their conflict might be resolved.
11. Erosion of communication and travel ability
Despite the very large investments made in communication and transport, the accessibility and usability of such facilities tends to be eroded. In the case of postal services, the cost of mailing increases, the number of deliveries decreases and the delivery delays increase (e.g. 2 to 4 months for intercontinental surface mail). In the case of the telephone service, the cost of telephoning increases, the installation delay increases, and the amount of traffic overloads many exchanges. In the case of air travel, the cost increases in a manner which effectively prevents travel to distant destinations which were accessible until recent years (and despite empty seats and unused planes) . The cost of fuel and speed limits are also reducing the possibility of long distance road travel.
In an Increasingly complex society, which is highly dependent upon communication to maintain its coherence, the ability of the "average individual" to communicate is being eroded. At the same time the ability of the elites to communicate amongst themselves and at the mass of the population is increasing. The delays incurred in ordinary communications may be such as to ensure that the goods or information are received long after the time at which they could have been relevant to ensure an appropriate response to a crisis situation.
Increasingly such communication and transport facilities that are available are structured to facilitate priority or bulk traffic between a limited number of key locations. The priority of traffic between other locations is reduced and may well be much more costly. (It is, for example, often cheaper to fly from one African country to Europe and then back to a neighbouring African country, than to fly from one to the other directly.) Such restrictions pose considerable problems for the political, social and economic development of any regions. More genErally they pose a problem for the development of variety in isolated areas as opposed to the convergent development at a limited number of central locations.
12. Assumption that the observer or change agent does not change
There is an implicit assumption that the psycho-social environment can be observed and acted upon without there being any associated change in the observer or in the change agent. The academic assumes the ability to take up some neutral stance, often at a higher level of abstraction, from which effective observation can take place without either changing the observed social processes or being changed by them. Organizations and institutions act in the belief that they can intervene in social processes without there being any negative consequences and without their being changed by the action. In both cases there is an assumption of independence from social processes, although both are forms of social activity.

Such change agents tend not to be aware of their own role as social entities . They have no built-in self-reflexive capacity. No academic discipline provides for serious examination of its own social role (e.g. the sociology of: sociology, political science, chemistry, economics, etc.). And no institution can build in a self-critical capacity which cannot be ignored or restrained to guarantee the continued functioning of that institution.

Associated with this is the assumption that (new) content can always be treated formalistically without the necessity for exposure to (new) learning experience. This is particularly the case with values. It is assumed that all those who make reference to "peace" , "quality of life" , "justice" , "freedom", etc. have been exposed to positive experiences with which such terms can be associated - and that such experiences are equivalent to those experienced by those with whom they are communicating. There is thus a widespread assumption of common understanding of values which obviates any need for shared experience or any self-change in order to acquire that understanding. This assumption justifies the absence of macro- social experiments to determine whether particular social policies and value mixes are viable and in conformity with the verbal formulations and claims.
13. Limitation of ability to discover and choose
Despite the increasing availability of goods, services, facilities, and experiences, and the investment of considerable amounts of money in publicizing the existence of many of them, there is relatively little that is done to facilitate the process of choice and discovery in the midst of such diversity. This is the case in almost every situation where the problem arises.

Examples include the following: occupation selection is in most cases a haphazard process based on the vagaries of location and information availability and presentation; vocational guidance is limited to the commonest job categories with little thought as to how the individual can gain some gut feeling for the meaning the occupation would have for him. The selection of wines and perfumes is governed by the products actually available at the point of sale and is hampered by the difficulties of achieving unambiguous use of a limited range of terms to describe a highly complex experience; these difficulties are aggravated where the staff have limited experience and are primarily interested in the sale of a particular product range. As with wines and perfumes, the selection of music is hampered by the difficulty of sampling a sufficiently wide range in order to guide further exploration and choice; only limited sampling is possible at the point of sale.

In the case of books, although the browsing process is acceptable to some people it constitutes a barrier for others and in the larger libraries it is increasingly forbidden (because of theft). Theatre, ballet and opera , where the visual dimension is important, are very time-consuming to sample as a guide to choice. This is also true of painting and the plastic arts, when photographic reproductions are unsatisfactory or difficult to obtain, and sampling is dependent upon exhibitions or costly visits to distant locations. Difficulties are also encountered in determining which places, or cultural environments to visit. And it is also difficult to determine beforehand which psycho-cultural experiences or personal relationships to develop.

In each such case, there is little or no assistance to the individual in obtaining the answer to the question of what experience or knowledge of which he is ignorant would in fact prove highly significant to him. His exploration and selection is hindered by commercial misinformation, the time required to sample, limited physical accessibility; the risk of an indifferent performance (in the case of the performing arts), and the difficulty of recapturing an experience (of a performed or distant work). However these would be relatively unimportant were it not for the inability to present such experiences to the individual In terms of their relative significance to his current developmental needs. Organizing the problem of choice by author, composer, artist, or manufacturer, or a limited number of unrelated categories or styles, does little to ease the individual's difficulty.

Clearly the obstacles noted above constitute a significant limitation on the full realization of human potential.
14. Limited ability to recognize problem displacement
Frequently a social problem can be eliminated to the satisfaction of all concerned (from the electorate to the policy- maker) by eliminating the particular set of symptoms by which it was recognized and which gave rise to the call for remedial action. Action of this kind merely ensures that a new set of symptoms emerges in some other social domain. The new set may well be considered more acceptable or may be less easy to focus on as the basis for an effective campaign for remedial action. Some time will also be required before the new set of symptoms can be effectively recognized. It may in fact be very difficult for an organization to see that its programmes merely displace a problem into the jurisdiction of some other body - whose own actions will eventually result in the problem being displaced back again or into the jurisdiction of a third body. (Institutions may deliberately move problems through a network of jurisdictions as a way of legitimating their own continued existence.) Such displacement may be difficult to detect because one set of symptoms may be apparent in legislation (e.g. legal discrimination), but when eliminated may then take on an economic character (e.g. economic discrimination), which if eliminated may then take on a social character (e.g. social discrimination), and then a cultural character, etc. Such displacement chains may loop back on themselves and develop side chains which are difficult to detect since each organization is only sensitive to the problem symptoms in its own domain and considers symptoms of the same problem in other domains to be acceptable or of secondary importance.

This situation makes it difficult to compare the presence or absence of problems in different geographical areas because of the different forms its symptoms take, the acceptability of some forms in some areas, or the lack of sensitivity to them.
15. Erosion of democratic processes
The complexity of society has resulted in the proliferation of governmental units and procedures designed to respond to the multiplicity of issues and requirements for regulation. This proliferation has not been accompanied by any commensurate development In parliamentary procedure, nor any significant increase in the amount of time available for debate and legislation. Consequently the responsibility for processing information on increasingly complex matters falls upon units of bureaucracy. Frequently the complexity of the issues precludes little more than token parliamentary debate on the matter. There is therefore little more than symbolic parliamentary control under such circumstances.

Even within government agencies, the complexity of many issues precludes effective review by the head of the agency. Pockets of expertise throughout the governmental system therefore acquire considerable effective power, and are protected by the limited possibilities for review, and frequently by security classifications which prevent review by other than interested parties.

Under such conditions, there is very limited possibility for systematic, democratic control of the government policies and programmes. There are frequent opportunities for bureaucratic abuse or the use of bureaucratic privileges to advance programmes of interest to a particular agency or unit, irrespective of the probable views of any parliamentary body.

It is therefore increasingly questionable whether the elected representative can perform other than token functions. The dynamics of the political process, which reduce the number of parties (often to the one- party level), and minimize any distinction between the policies of opposing parties and candidates, further decrease the significance of elections. (The corruption associated with these processes makes their ability to fulfill their originally intended function even more doubtful.)
16. Constraints imposed by secrecy
Many aspects of government policy formulation and government agency activity are increasingly shrouded in secrecy. The same is true for the activities of many commercial and industrial enterprises. This secrecy is not only passive but is reinforced by various forms of tacit or explicit censorship in the media . It is accompanied by use of the media to disseminate distorted information and various forms of propaganda.

As a consequence few people have any clear understanding of the real nature of any crisis or of the resources which can be used to contain it. The average voter is unable to determine the reality of a crisis if government feels obliged to withhold any information on it, or failing that, to disseminate misinformation about it. At any time, therefore, the average voter cannot determine whether there are real crises of which he is ignorant, or whether the information he receives, minimizing some current crises, is in fact undistorted. All information becomes suspect, because it is in the interest of government to keep the population as calm and unpanicked as possible. However, this then makes it very difficult to mobilize the population in response to any crisis for which government really does need the people. (It is the old story of the little shepherd boy who cried "wolf" once too often.) It also makes it very difficult to determine whether government really represents the interests of the people, particularly since many of the duly elected representatives are themselves considered to be security risks.
17. Concepts of societal complexity limited by imposed constraints
In ordering understanding of societal complexity, there is a well-established tendency to impose a relatively simple conceptual framework to facilitate the task of grasping and explaining the environment. Thus irrespective of the diversity present in the environment, it is often considered satisfactory to distinguish not more than 5-10 categories in any field of concern. If any larger number is used, the adequacy, credibility and comprehensibility of the explanation becomes increasingly suspect. (There is evidence that individuals have difficulty in distinguishing between more than about 7 colours, tastes, sounds, odours, etc.) It is of course permissible to distinguish a number of levels of sub-categories within any such framework, but again the scheme becomes increasingly unsatisfactory as the number of levels goes beyond 5-10.

In any argument or debate the same constraint applies , although perhaps more severely. (A well- known piece of advice to orators is to make not more than 3 points or else the audience will tend to be confused, and the orator most certainly would be.)

This situation is reflected in organizational structures. The recommended size for committees is 5-10 people. It is rare for an individual in any large organization (including armies) to have more than 5-10 department heads reporting directly to him. In the case of committees, this ensures that all views can be adequately represented and discussed. In the case of organizations, it ensures that one individual can maintain adequate control over his subordinates.

When information has to be presented or discussed, the subject matter is usually distorted or reordered to conform to space/time and financial constraints. This applies, for example, to: the length of a book or one of its chapters; the length of a radio or TV programme; the amount of time available on any meeting agenda; etc. The size of a meeting (or meeting budget) may well be used as the basis for determining the number of bodies relevant to a representative debate. Clearly in the classic case of the top policy-maker dictum that any issues should be summarized on one sheet of paper (or in 5 minutes), if getting it onto one sheet totally erodes the coherence of the argument to the Point of incomprehensibility, then any complex case cannot be adequately or credibly presented. In all such cases, external constraints are used to govern what information is received and processed, irrespective of the complexity of the issue in question. Information is compressed to a point below that at which it is comprehensible or its significance can become evident to the reader. (This is especially true when abstractions, mathematical expressions or jargon have to be used to achieve the necessary compression.)

The above points reflect a widely held belief that because something has been expressed within an acceptable framework it constitutes a satisfactory representation of the reality to which a response is required. This ignores the possibility that the framework satisfactory for comprehension may well be unsatisfactory for any adequate representation. It leads to the formulation of simplistic programmes which appear satisfactory but which are unable to contain those aspects of the problem which extend beyond the framework used. This is the case with many complex social issues.
18. Assumption that further human evolution may be ignored
The assumption is made that evolution of man has now ceased or may be ignored and that man may control his future. But the structures with which we Identify and which we are learning how to modify may merely be temporary containers for an ongoing evolving life-process. Evolution may now be mainly along psycho-social lines but it will be as invisible to us as it was to our physically changing ancestors.

In these terms we should neither expect the sympathy of the evolutionary process for the preservation of psycho-social structures, nor regret its absence. In evolutionary terms the criterion is the survival and transformation of the most appropriate. This has never included the preservation of excessive numbers against the catastrophes which their presence must evoke. Attempts at preservation may be anti- evolutionary.

It may well be that the system functions entirely satisfactorily and of its own accord in responding to disturbances to its dynamic evolving equilibrium conditions. As sub-systems within the system we would be unable to detect the manner and justification of the corrective measures. If the system is self correcting, then any "within- system" efforts to correct it are bound to give rise to counterbalancing responses. It therefore becomes questionable as to which changes should be proposed or implemented since every such intervention is counterbalanced in an unforeseeable manner. Each such effort causes system disturbances and counter- balancing responses, acts as a lure for time, energy and organizational resources and creates its own school followers and opponents. These are within-system changes and not changes to the system.

Concern with world problems may be "unnecessary" except as an educational and developmental experience - a sort of social "training game" in which our culture can be absorbed. Systems analyses of organizations in trouble generally show that whilst each person acts as best he could, with the best intentions given the information at his disposal, it is the interaction of these "well conceived" departmental policies that kept the organization in its difficulties. The same may be true of the world system - its problems may be created by the interactions of well-intentioned programs .

Individuals and groups choose courses of action to protect and extend their identifies. Their choice generates a flora, fauna and eco-system of roles and structures which must be respected and observed before any dramatic attempts to "develop" them are made. "Development" and "education" may in some ways be equivalent (in difficulty and desirability) to a bio-engineering attempt at converting one species into another. There is not yet a framework on which the possibilities and dangers of ontogenetic development can be examined.

The system may not be of a "big bang" developmental type in psycho-social terms, or on the time scale to which we are exposed. It may be oscillating, cyclical or homeostatic in terms of a framework which we have not yet clarified explicitly.
19. Limited ability to face the unknown
In every domain of society there are unknown factors and circumstances with unpredictable elements which may combine together in unforeseen ways. The existence and probable future emergence of these currently unrecognized factors tends however to be more or less deliberately ignored by the individuals, groups and institutions acting in those domains. It is much simpler to recognize and respond to the predictable for which the allocation of resources can be clearly justified in the light of past experience. It is very difficult to conceptualize the unknown. Consequently it is difficult to justify the allocation of resources and the restructuring of organizations in order to prepare for unforeseeable events and crises. To legitimate this stance, the tendency is to treat the unknown as non-existent or irrelevant.

This attitude may be found within organizations, amongst the practitioners of most intellectual disciplines and sciences, and in most occupations. Thus organizations seldom have procedures for handling the unexpected. Practitioners of a discipline will seldom acknowledge the existence of relevant matters of which they are ignorant. Disciplines are structured statically in terms of the known and cannot define or provide for the existence of what may shortly become known (through ongoing research) or what will probably continue to remain unknown (at least until there is a paradigm shift) . Occupations are defined in terms of the needed response to well- defined problems. Ignorance is only admitted when the knowledge in question can be considered irrelevant or the responsibility of some other body.

Clearly this constraint limits the ability to look at new conditions or to look at current conditions anew. People think and act from positions within a context of which they are content to be unaware. (The attitude is somewhat analogous to that of a fighter who expects a clearly identified opponent to fight within the framework of known rules, as contrasted with the fighter who is prepared to respond to any unexpected assailant acting independently of any such framework.)
20. Limited ability to face the negative
Individuals, groups and institutions have considerable difficulty in developing adequate procedures for soliciting, channelling and processing feedback on the negative consequences of their own positive action or the absence of any significant consequences at all. They avoid exposure to and acknowledgement of error, or any attempt to seek out its manifestations and use information derived from the failure as a basis for learning. Any report on an organization's actions minimizes any negative references and is usually deliberately written so as to disguise failures as much as possible. No institution, nor any cultural ethnic, occupational or other group will make known an analysis of its own weaknesses unless it feels confident that the content can be ignored or blamed upon external circumstances.

This inability also extends to the explicit recognition of the problem situations with which organizations are confronted. It is rare to find an organization which explicitly defines the social problems with which it is concerned. Any such negative descriptions tend to be denatured and distorted in terms of the planned positive programme action to remedy that aspect of the problem situation to which the programme is able to respond.

Clearly this inability to face up to negativity openly and collectively inhibits the emergence of any shared self- consciousness about our limited ability to control our situation well enough to expect to be successful more often than not. Rather it favours the maintenance of a naive optimism which inhibits any attempt to evolve a more appropriate response or to identify the real strength of our complex society.
21. Limited significance of rationality and appeals to values
There is a widespread assumption that a rational explanation and/or an appeal to appropriate values is a sufficient justification and guarantee for valid action or maintenance of a position. Great efforts are therefore made to generate appropriate rational explanations and to give expression to them in action plans for organizations .

Such is the mobility of debate and dissemination of (mis) information on any issue, however, that it is increasingly easy to elaborate any kind of explanation or appeal to values. But it is increasingly difficult to mobilize sufficiently rapidly the facts and counter-arguments for them to be significant in a given debate or information campaign - and later counter- analysis, however devastating and correct, is too late. Given the fragmented nature of the community of discourse, it is only too easy to question any set of "facts" . The most superior and recent analysis seldom has unquestionable credentials, whereas many doubtful analyses may well be produced by seemingly impeccable bodies. In this situation, every group can legitimately make full use of its resources to produce the most adequate explanation for its own purposes. Accusations of lack of expertise, inadequate facts or Information, or irresponsibility become debating points whose weight is determined by the dynamics of the debate and the skill of the debaters since there is no recognized court of appeal. Ignorance is not recognized as an absolute (or meaningful) condition characteristic of all bodies not in receipt of the latest information or explanation.

Conventional explanations and appeals to values are therefore increasingly used by the skilled as mere decorative cloaks for whatever action conforms to their real purposes. A skilled individual can produce a sufficiently coherent argument to justify any desired course of action. As with manufactured articles, such arguments may be designed to last only a short time. That they should fail after their first use, or should very rapidly be proved obsolescent, is then irrelevant. (Dependence on conventional explanations and appeals to values leaves an organization as much at the mercy of its opponents as was the Polish cavalry when faced with a tank invasion.)
22. "We" and "They"
Because of the complexity of society and the individual's increasing sense that he has little control over his environment, it becomes progressively easier for people to lay responsibility for conditions they find disagreeable at the door of an ill-defined, amorphous "they" . "They do this to us" , "they should change things", etc. "They" is whoever may be considered responsible or free to act.

This distinction clarifies and simplifies the situation for the individual, freeing him of responsibility, and making others the cause (of the persistent) of any perceived Ill. In the face of any problem, it is "they" who must act or change their policies for "we" are doing the best we can and are not free to act. "We" are the "good-guys" with some faults because "we" are human. "They" are the "bad-guys"; "their" faults are inexcusable.
23. Apathy, cynicism, hopelessness and disillusionment
Faced with an increasing number of Increasingly interrelated problems against which no programmes seem to have any significant remedial effect, individuals lapse into states of apathy, cynicism, hopelessness or disillusionment. This occurs whether the Individual has a variety of social powers and resources at his command, or whether he has none at all. The situation is aggravated by those who benefit from such circumstances.

Clearly such a state of mind Inhibits any creative response and saps the personal energies of the individual concerned. It also encourages him to profit by the conditions whilst he can and to the extent that he is able.
24. Entrapment and alienation of committed activists
Each generation produces a number of well-qualified individuals concerned with one or more social problems and prepared to commit themselves and their careers in an effort to achieve a significant impact upon them. As in any occupation, some years are spent learning the dimensions of the problem and the possibilities for action. Thereafter, however, many of these individuals find themselves forced into positions of compromise. In an effort to stick to their original values, they come into conflict with structures and resource realities which often prevent anything more than token action. They are encouraged to be patient and find that patience changes little. They find that those who have preceded them lapse easily into cynicism or are satisfied with minimal change. They find that those who are similarly inspired and who should be their allies are frequently hostile and suspicious of any form of cooperation of more than a token nature.

Some become aware that even when their recommendations are fully implemented by some organizational system with apparent success, the system in effect nullifies such achievements by adjusting itself so that other different problems emerge. There is then no end to such a chain of displaced problems, many of which are as much internal to the organizational system as they are external foci of the organization's action. These situations finally lead to a withdrawal (or "loss of faith") of many of the committed activists. This withdrawal takes place without transfer of acquired experience and insight to other who might later be able to overcome the dynamics of entrapment. There is no accumulation of learning. Those who know about the dynamics are often unable to speak about them, or have lost the desire to do so. Those who do speak about them are frequently ill-informed and merely provoke a repetition of learning cycles.
25. Repetition of learning cycles
In many social domains time and a variety of collective experiences have created amongst those concerned an awareness of which actions are feasible, viable and useful and which are not. Such collective learning is difficult to transfer to others in such a manner as to enable them to understand the (usually relatively sophisticated) dynamics which limit the value of seemingly obvious positive actions. Since there is a certain turnover of organizations, groups and individuals concerned with the problem in that domain, those entering the context for the first time tend to initiate proposals, recommendations and programmes which past experience has shown to be a waste of resources or of otherwise limited value. They will however have difficulty in recognizing this and will attribute past failure to ineffectiveness of those involved at that time.

The consequence is that any group (possibly of institutions) with experience extending over several "programme generations" always has latecomers who are drawn together in support of projects which constitute the repetition of a learning cycle. Such cycles must play themselves out in order that the latecomers may acquire the understanding as to why those particular actions are of limited effectiveness. They will however then be repeated when the number of newcomers again becomes great enough to make it difficult to redirect their attention from such seemingly obvious courses of action.

This repeated fragmentation of groups and the use of resources in support of ineffective programmes clearly limits the ability to respond adequately to any problem situation. It is also discouraging to those who have already acquired, through such learning cycles, the necessary knowledge base from which more effective programmes could be designed. However, it is also the desire of the latecomers to apply their creative energies without regard for past experience which leads to the acquisition of new knowledge. The situation is such that it is seldom possible to blend both forms of knowledge in an effective response to the problem situation.
26. Limited ability to recognize personality needs and problems
Wherever individuals, groups or institutions work to remedy social problems, there is an inability of all concerned to admit openly the psycho-social needs of the individuals and groups involved. It is only in informal discussion, and in the absence of the concerned individual, that there is frank discussion of how to confer a sense of prestige by suitable juggling of organizational procedures and positions, appropriate use of flattery, etc. The facilitation of individuals "ego trips", for example, is often an absolutely essential condition to their further support of a project. Even when two organizations or initiatives should be merged in the light of all available information, this will be opposed (behind the scenes) by the personalities involved unless their status needs can be fulfilled.

Such concerns, whether for a person individually, or for a group as represented by an individual, are basic to all social action. When they are not even recognized in behind the scenes planning, they are recognized tacitly in the dynamics of interaction with the person in question.

The inability to handle these matters in open debate severely inhibits the manner in which organizations or meetings can function. Even in crisis situations, discussion of action to be taken will not occur until these other matters have been satisfactorily resolved through behind the scenes manoeuvering. Frequently it is questionable, even in a crisis situation, whether a given individual is not more interested in the recognition accorded to himself or his group than in any substantive matter which may be discussed. Organizational action of any kind (and even in response to crises) may be perceived primarily as providing a legitimate opportunity for appropriate organizational ritual to satisfy the psycho-social needs of the individuals and groups involved. The situation is particularly serious when the personality needs border on the psychopathic. (There are many well-documented examples of this amongst national leadership, even in recent years, although such matters cannot be discussed in open debate.)

Clearly the priority accorded to these needs, and the inability to give explicit recognition to them in organizational documents or debate despite their fundamental importance to organizational action, constitute a constraint upon the full realization of human potential. This is the case both because it distorts the manner by which a person develops through action within an organization, and because it distorts the manner by which an organization is able to act.
27. Nebulous features of societal problems
28. Limited ability to tolerate diversity
29. Limited collective social attention span
30. Limited ability to perceive and describe social processes
31. Limited ability to develop meaningful meta- viewpoints or justify the need for them


Positive features of limits and constraints
The limits and constraints noted above, whether singly or in combination, effectively split the psycho-social universe into a multiplicity of overlapping fragments. Within each such fragment, whether large or small, communication and consensus can be readily established. These bounded fragments therefore constitute domains within which particular views and forms of organization are protected, developed or consolidated. They provide protected contexts for the development of alternative forms which could not survive were the boundaries not present.
The constraints (and the problems whose solution they hinder) constitute features of society which provide a challenge and stimulus which may well be essential to its healthy development. The boundary defined by the whole set of limits may well be the barrier, frontier or shell through which mankind has to break if it is to emerge into a new phase of development, but by which It must be protected in order successfully to complete the current phase.
Such constraints and problems whilst a challenge are also energy absorbents . Each increment in human development increases the mobility and activity of the individuals in question. This energy must be channelled and absorbed in an adequate variety of structures and processes for in their absence the energy may be released in an uncontrollable and disastrous manner.
As in the natural environment, when such limits are overcome the interaction between the diverse viewpoints and organizational forms may lead to the predominance of those most appropriate to the conditions of the time. However, the maintenance of such bounded environments ensures the preservation and development of alternative forms which may prove most appropriate under different conditions or in a later time period.
Conclusion
There appear to be many ways in which mankind is limited. Attempts to by-pass these limits constantly run the risk of being compromised or entrapped. Many of the limits are difficult to express in a form which could provide a basis for agreement upon some remedial action, if such were possible. The existence of some of the limits can easily be questioned by those who have not been exposed to them and their consequences.
There would appear to be a strong case for devoting resources to a clarification of these limits and the extent to which they jeopardize the functioning and success of every action programme whether currently operational or planned for the future.
ComplementaryPerspectivesBigPicturesandS_img4.gif Complemntary Views: Minding the Future
Introduction
Much may be learnt about the status of communication susceptible to provoke personal and social change by considering any of the variants of the following thought experiment. This involves the dispatch and reception of a "perfect message", carefully reflecting on possible attitudes to it, and the action to be taken. Much may also be learnt by attempting to develop or redesign the experiment itself, possibly by adding other features to it.
Dispatch problem
Consider any of the following variants:
A. Bangladeshi girl (1)
In Bangladesh a girl was born. Because of a low-probability genetic accident she has all the attributes of a super-genius. She is now 19 years old (in 1983). She is totally impoverished and bound to a dominating husband, but has had access, since an early age, in a little rundown school, to a very extensive library funded by the legacy of an eccentric. She is especially talented in the psycho-social sciences and has made (as history acknowledged 50 years later) a number of interrelated breakthroughs of fundamental significance to world society, faced with the crises she has so deeply studied. What should she send, in what form, to whom, and how should she ensure that its complex significance is understood or influences change appropriately ?
B. Future Development Council (2)
In the year 2500 A.D. a form of time travel has been developed. The Planetary Development Council has the ability to transmit artefacts and individuals in order to communicate with the past. It also has long experience with an interconnected series of approaches which ensure the dynamism and harmony of a society free from injustice of any kind. There is great concern with the situation of the planet in the watershed period of the early 1980's.
What should the Council send, in what form, to whom, and how should it ensure that its complex significance is understood or influences change appropriately ?
C. Ancient Council of Sages (3)
In the year 1500 B.C. in China a strange historical coincidence brought together a group of 12 extremely wise men and women. They were remarkable for their insight into human nature and society and for the manner in which they could evolve in relation to one another. They could clearly foresee long-term patterns and were particularly concerned at the crisis period which was likely to emerge under the conditions of the early 1980's.
What should the sages do or leave for that future period, in what form could they leave it, to whom should it appeal, and how should they ensure that the complex significance of Heir insights is understood or influences change appropriately ?
D. Network of the Wise (4)
During the 1960s a number of exceptionally gifted wise men and women formed a network which by the end of the 1970s had developed a deep insight into the human condition. It was on the basis of their breakthroughs that society later achieved the much desired harmony and justice for all. They had the special advantage in the 1980's of having unlimited resources at their disposal.
What should the network send, in what form, to whom, and how should it ensure that its complex significance is understood or influences change appropriately ?
E. United Planets Development Programme (5)
A galaxy-wide organization of sentient species has existed for millions of years. The many variant solutions to the problems of social harmony and individual development have been tested on millions of worlds. Several million years ago a United Planets Organization was brought into existence within this solar system. It duly created a U.P. Development Programme (UPDP) of which one of the principal LDP sections is the Third World ("Earth") Division. In the face of the critical situation of the 1980's, the Division has decided to change its long- standing "indirect" policy (despite the extremely low level of education on the planet, especially where communication-related matters are concerned).
What should the division send, to whom, and how should it ensure that its complex significance is understood or influences change appropriately ?
Reception problem
In each of the following variants, how can those concerned arrange their communication structure so that they receive insightful new information? How can they develop appropriate filters to select the vehicles of such information prior to having comprehended the nature of the insights?
    • U.N Secretary-General General
    • U.N. University Rector
    • Government Prime Minister
    • Secret Service Director
    • University Rector
    • Individual (meaning you or me)
    • Corporation President
    • Newpaper Editor
    • Nongovernmental organisation (NGO)
    • Foundation
    • Charismatic religious leader
    • "Eminence grise"
Action problem
Once the "package" containing the information has been received, the possibilities for subsequent action include:
    • Open and digest
    • Destroy
    • File ("pigeon-hole")
    • Send on to... ("buck passing")
    • Insert in "time capsule",
    • Open and misrepresent
    • Exploit to advance existing interests
    • Discuss and research it in such a way as to destroy its potential for change (coopt as an element of an existing debate)
Problem of reflecting on possible action
The following are some of the factors for the above receivers, which determine what is done with the "package":
    • What is it ?
    • Nature of source (" from whom") ?
    • Why was it sent ?
    • How was it sent ?
    • Who arranged for it to be sent ?
    • When does it come from ? (out of date ?)
    • Does it conform to my/our accepted style (jargon) ?
    • Is it in accordance with my/our current policies ?
    • Will it affect my/our status/motivation (job security / advancement / skills) ?
    • Will it demand anything of me/us (a switch of allegiance, change of lifestyle) ?
    • Will it render my/our activity obsolete ?
    • Is it relevant to any of my/our current programmes ?
    • How can I prepare myself/ourselves for its possible impact (avoiding premature iudgement) ?
Questions
    • Would you open the "package" ? Are you sure ? Think a bit more.
    • WouId you expect anyone else to open it ? And then ?
    • How would you go about "opening" it to your understanding ?
    • How different (change provoking) would it have to be before you could not afford to open it ?
    • Would you send such a message if you had the means ? Do you have them?
    • Could you send such a message if you knew what to put in it ? Do you know what to put in it?
    • Do you believe that one or more such messages have been sent ? If so, what have you done about it ?
    • If the basic concept of a "sent message" is an "imperfection", what other form of action can the originators take?
Nasty thought
In the Dispatch Problem listed above, consider the possibility that in each case the intention was "malevolent," rather than "benevolent", as has been assumed. Then consider the remaining points again in this new light. How could you distinguish between "perfect" messages of the two types ? Is your difficulty part of the fundamental problem ?
ComplementaryPerspectivesBigPicturesandS_img5.gif Complemntary Views: Don Justo's Self-Built Cathedral
Introduction
Much may be learnt about the potential and frustrations of alternative initiatives from the undertaking of Justo Gallego Martínez (now well over 70). In 1961, at the age of 29, he laid the first stone in the construction of a "cathedral" that he has built virtually single handed since then on a plot of land 50 metres by 20 metres that he inherited from his parents. It has been rated by some as perhaps the strangest building in the world. His undertaking in giving form to a dream has been celebrated in several documentary films, by journalists, and treated as an inspiration by architects and religious groups.
This is no "model" cathedral and he is neither a qualified architect, nor engineer, nor bricklayer - - he is a farmer. "The plans have only ever existed in my head" and have evolved over time in response to opportunity and inspiration. Nor does he have formal planning permission from the authorities of Mejorada del Campo -- the town in which it is located (20 km from Madrid under the flight-path to the Barajas airport). Nor does he have the benediction or support of the Catholic Church. After eight years in a Trappist order -- and just prior to taking his vows -- he was obliged to leave, considerably weakened by tuberculosis and the monastic regime. His cathedral is dedicated to Nuestra Señora del Pilar, Madre de Jesús. He explains: "It's an act of faith." The cathedral has been bequeathed by him to the Bishopric of nearby Alcalá de Henares.
The shell of the building is complete -- covering the 20x50 metre plot [ photos  ]. Some 8,000m2 have been built -- or are underway. They include a complex ensemble of cloisters, offices, lodgings and a library. The cathedral already has a dome (modelled on St Peters) rising to some 40 metres, some 12 metres in diametre -- whose steel girders were raised with the aid of his six nephews using pulleys. He was unable to get the loan of a crane. In summer volunteers may lend a hand, but for the heavy work he hires a local assistant at his own expense. It is estimated that it may take another 15 to 20 years to complete -- although Don Justo does not know. He prefers not to speak about the future. How long he will still be physically able to continue working on it is uncertain.
The mayor of Mejorada del Campo declares that to date not one architect or builder has been prepared to take responsibility for this building. Questions are raised concerning its foundations and bracings, and nobody wants to be responsible for its structural integrity. Given its problematic status, the lack of official support, and the value of the land on which it is located, Don Justo is aware that there is every possibility that the cathedral may be razed to the ground immediately after his death.
He has financed his work by rent from some inherited farmland -- some of which he has already sold. Donations from supporters and visitors are welcomed. Most of the construction materials used are recycled (buckets, pieces of wood, plastic tubes, etc) -- occasionally obtained from business and construction companies with excess materials for a job. Progress on the cathedral is therefore visibly marked by the nature and quality of materials that he acquires in this way. The columns are moulded using old petrol drums, the window arches carry the marks of the tires they were moulded in and bicycle wheels have been used as pulleys. Strength is ensured by using extra quantities of cement. There has as yet been little time for finishing surfaces. The rose window is without glass -- but there is a long mosaic staircase leading to the main entrance.
Model for understanding alternative initiatives
.
Don Justo's Cathedral
Alternative initiatives
Symbolism
Monument to the human spirit and its capacity to transcend ordinary constraints and limitations in the most improbable way. Its symbolism is that much greater because it is the act of a very ordinary hero -- whose genius lay in his persistence.
Many alternative initiatives can be usefully interpreted in the light of their symbolic significance, as an inspiration to others in a world which "inspiration" is often only recognized because of its short-term economic or political significance. Such initiatives speak to the many who have their own dream of "constructing a cathedral"
Meaning
The meaning may lie above all in the intentionality and the process of implementation rather than in the end result (as with McLuhan, the undertaking is the message). In this sense the cathedral is already "complete", and will continue to "exist", whatever its fate
It is too easily forgotten that for those engaging in alternative initiatives, outside the mainstream, the value may lie in the process and the exploration of the dream rather than in the concrete result on which some others may choose to judge them.
Manifestation
The cathedral is above all a demonstration in how to implement a dream, however little wider support there is for doing so.
Officially much is now made of identifying "processes that work". Many alternatives survive, and take concrete form, through a kind of existential struggle that goes far beyond the technicalities of what appears in models and manuals.
Meaninglessness
Significantly his undertaking has been treated as meaningless both by those in his immediate community (who laughed at him as 'el loco de la iglesia') and by the secular and religious authorities. But if Don Justo is to be framed as "loco", what price "sanity" in today's world?
Unfortunately alternatives to mainstream initiatives are of necessity perceived as meaningless -- and their proponents are typically framed as a laughing-stock. This is the strikingly dangerous weakness of mainstream thinking unable to see creatively beyond its own inherited patterns. This is ironic at a time when officialdom is increasingly being asked to come up with "new thinking" to meet intractable challenges. However it is unclear what criteria this thinking would be recognizable by those concerned? Perhaps a test should be developed for the capacity to recognize "new thinking"?
Surreal
In a world in which the mind is increasingly dominated by the soulless realities of urban planning and their organizational equivalents, the enterprise and what has been achieved are a celebration of surrealism worthy of the greatest exponents of that art form -- in the best Spanish tradition of Antoni Gaudi, Salvador Dali and Don Quichote. It is especially surreal, as with certain forms of art, in that construction continues despite its probable fate.
In exploring new realms of fundamental physics and cosmology a much cited quote recognizes that there may well be agreement on whether a new theory is crazy. The concern expressed is whether it is crazy enough to have a chance of being correct. When a great innovation appears, it will almost certainly be in a muddled, incomplete and confusing form. To the discoverer, himself, it will be only half understood; to everyone else, it will be a mystery. For any speculation which does not at first glance look crazy, there is no hope! ( Brower  )
Recognition
Don Justo's has achieved no official recognition, despite the attention accorded him by documentary film makers, journalists and tourists.
Failure to accord official recognition to alternative forms of social organization is typical of the strategic trap in which official institutions and initiatives find themselves in their desperate search for policies capable of responding to the challenges of society. It is curious how little such recognition would cost in comparison to the amounts expended on complex public relations exercises using media stars who in no way represent the insights and qualities of those who actually engage in giving form to alternative projects.
Publicity
There is a strange contrast to the world publicity surrounding brief sporting achievements (solo round-the-world yachting / ballooning, trekking to the poles, etc) from which people may have to be dramatically rescued at great expense. Why is it that Don Justo's cathedral does not appear in the Guiness Book of Records under a category "largest building constructed by a single individual"?
It is curious that the brief undertakings of those who engage in adventures against the elements appeal so much more to public opinion, the media and consequently their sponsors. And where there is an alternative media, the actions of isolated individuals like Don Justo are themselves perceived as "eccentric" and meaningless in comparison with those undertaking other kinds of "social" alternative initiative considered more appropriate -  - replicating the selective pattern of the mainstream trap and failing to recognize what inspires the human spirit.
Secular authorities
The enterprise is clearly an administrative embarrassment to the civil authority of a very minor town that has no other attractions of national, regional or international significance. It is tolerated because action against it would arouse more embarrassment -- but support of any other kind is withheld. Delicate issues are presumably associated with Don Justo's social security status and medical coverage -- "I have never had an accident". One commentator indicated that he leaps along his wobbly scaffolding from section to section belying his age (in a way that would make any building inspector blanch)
How do local, national, regional and international authorities respond to alternative initiatives? Why do they have such difficulty in engaging with people who do not dialogue with them suitably dressed, over expense account restaurant meals, and in response to a program and budget framework established by the best expertise that money can buy in the light of realistic realistic political priorities? Is there no recognition that the failure of the projects that emerge from such processes calls for careful attention to others that may succeed despite such support? How can projects be supported when they are in defiance of safety and other regulations?
Planning authorities
The construction is clearly in defiance of any normal planning procedure, but has successfully exploited a fragile window of opportunity -- prior to any attempt to use it as a building for wider public use. It awaits the planner's revenge! Typically planners have not been able to respond proactively to such initiatives -- especially when they are now surrounded by blocks of modern apartments.
Much is made by aid agencies of the formal planning and reporting procedures through which projects are evaluated, monitored and approved for funding. Such procedures may even be deliberately used to trap those engaging in alternative projects into wasting resources on completing them correctly -- in competition with others who specialize in procedurally-oriented projects.
Regulations
The construction has necessarily failed to seek to conform to the myriad basic building codes and regulations. Questions will necessarily be raised regarding its safety as a public building. Typically no efforts have been made to provide minimal assistance to ensure such conformity
It has become evident that developed countries function within what has increasingly become a regulatory "gated community" -- despite the manner in which those outside such a community are obliged (if they are to survive) to innovate in ways that infringe regulatory and safety codes. This is most evident in developing countries obliged to take risks in recycling and adapting scarce materials and equipment. It is liable to become more evident amongst the poor in industrialized countries without the resources to act in conformity with codes designed for those with resources.
Religious authorities
The work has not received the benediction of the Catholic hierarchy, despite its initiator's former affiliation through a Trappist order. The initiative is indeed an embarrassment -- increased by the fact that it will become Church property on the death of Don Justo. The bishopric claims "not to need a second cathedral" -- forgetting that people around the world will tend only to hear and be impressed by Don Justo's efforts outside the worn pattern of raising funds for religious edifices. Although it is indeed the case that a "cathedral" is the seat of the bishop -- so there cannot be two. It is probable that the Church will see the merit of razing the building -- after a suitable period of neglect -- and selling the lands in order to fund restoration of its other buildings. The Church has permitted only one mass to be celebrated therein in 40 years.
Typically religious authorities have the greatest of difficulty endorsing projects that do not emerge directly from their dogma or are not directly reinforcing of it. Their challenge, whatever their faith, is to recognize the variety of expressions and aspirations of the human spirit towards transcendental meaning -- beyond those associated with their own dogmatic frameworks. The challenge is most evident in providing authoritative recognition of "miracles". As with "new thinking", perhaps there is sa similar challenge in recognizing "social miracles".
Aesthetics
From an architectural perspective, the cathedral has much to be admired as the work of a single artist -- and has been duly celebrated as such by both architects and artists. Yet it would appear that little assistance has been forthcoming from either profession. Don Justo has emulated the simplicities of the Romanesque style (Gothic being "too complicated" for his skills and Baroque "does not please me")
It is extraordinary that it is often artists and architects who are capable of seeing alternative initiatives with a new eye -- where others focus on functionality and other dimensions that do not necessarily sustain the human spirit in refreshing ways. At the Findhorn (Scotland) community it was the adaptation of a whisky vat   as a dwelling that struck the imagination of architects. And it was only official recognition of the the extensive aesthetic innovation that prevented the Damanhur   (Italy) temple complex from being destroyed by civil authorities enraged by the absence of planning permission. Perhaps a greater role should be sought from architects and artists in providing bridging legitimatation for alternative projects to mainstream authorities.
Tourism
Despite official indifference, the cathedral has been noted in offbeat tourist guides -- and is spoken of with admiration by Madrid taxi drivers. It is a wonder that the local and national tourist authorities do not take active steps to exploit an enterprise of such intrinsic significance -- and so convenient to the airport. Such economic exploitation might usefully have been accompanied by small efforts to facilitate its completion.
Alternative initiatives increasingly provide a focus for jaded tourists over-  exposed to sites of very modest comparative interest. This is the case with the Centre for Alternative Technology (Wales), Arcosanti (Arizona), Auroville (Pondicherry), etc. Perhaps tourist authorities (especially in areas of otherwise limited interest) should do more to identify and position such sites -- rather than wait hundreds of years for their significance to become apparent.
Funding
The construction has been undertaken with no official funding and with only incidental and voluntary donations of time and materials from well-wishers. This is most curious in a Europe that is proud of its cultural achievements and expends disproportionate amounts of official funding on events and monuments that are far from demonstrating the dedication and achievement of those such as Don Justo -- especially as an inspiration to young people. It is perhaps also curious that no device could be found to facilitate the process whereby others could provide financial assistance to the enterprise. However Don Justo's achievement is above all a demonstration of how much can be achieved without the kinds of funding typically considered as absolutely essential to any new initiative.
The manner in which alternative initiatives acquire funds is an embarrassment in a society that claims to favour empowering progressive and imaginative undertakings -- especially those that call for only modest support (possibly more in kind than in cash). Why is it that public funds, especially at the level of the European Community, are only effectively available for the kinds of project promoted by those already with funds - - and the patience to indulge in bureaucratic and political game- playing? Why do authorities not systematically seek out projects worthy of funding and help structure their funding requests -- as is done in by- passing procedures for projects specially favoured by those that control allocation of such funds? Is there not a case for recognizing how projects can even be encouraged and sustained by minimum or "zero funding"? A Grameem Bank for alternative projects?
Politics
Ironically the cathedral is located in a commune with a communist mayor -- somewhat obliged to recognize the merits of such an enterprise. But the cathedral can be seen as a political statement that challenges the inflexibilities of prevailing authority -- making evident values that transcend those of the mundane world. It can be understood as a personal political statement -- through the switch in priorities of a minor local land owner.
Alternatives of any kind are typically perceived as a political threat by mainstream authorities -- a direct challenge to their authority and their comprehension of the strategic opportunities and priorities. There is a strong case for exploring such dysfunctional insecurity to enable the emergence of alternatives to be perceived in a new and more favourable light -- beyond the token recognition accorded to them.
Sustainable initiative
It is difficult to imagine a more concrete demonstration -- sustained over 40 years -- of the capacity to switch to an alternative livelihood, to use of recycled resources, and to change patterns of consumption. Although Don Justo is now taken more seriously he says: "From the very start I've known I could only depend on myself." Why would this initiative not attract the attention of those such as the Right Livelihood Foundation  ?
Few well-funded "sustainable initiatives" survive more than a few years. What does it take to engage in a long-term alternative initiative from within a community and without being dependent on public funds? How can the sustainability of alternative initiatives be ensured? How dependent are the evaluators of such possibilities on precedents to reassure them in their judgement? Does this imply that no truly original initiative can be supported -- if only as an experiment? Is there a sense in which sustainability has to be appropriately "authorized"?
Recycled resources
The cathedral is a transparent demonstration of the ability to make successful and creative use of recycled resources in ways that provide learnings for other initiatives -- both in Europe and in developing regions. Should it be a worthy nominee for the International Design Resource Award?   
The recycling abilities, of which Don Justo is an exemplar, are likely to become of even greater significance in the future. An articulation of the relevant arguments is provided by Louis le Roy -- ironically with respect to his own long-term Eco-Cathedral    project (Mildam, Netherlands).
Sustainable lifestyle
Don Justo is in his own lifestyle a demonstration of the kind of modesty that is extolled in campaigns regarding alternative patterns of consumption -- if only in his vegetarianism. He condemns the superficiality of our time and its materialism -- and acts on his belief.
What is it that makes a sustainable lifestyle meaningful and sustainable as such? Why has it proven so difficult to communicate its attractiveness through official channels and to young people? How to respond to the temptation of second generation members of sustainable communities to move out into the wider unsustainable world? How many "Don Justos" does it take to transform the quality of a community?
Sustainable employment
Don Justo's lifestyle offers learnings with respect to alternative approaches to meaningful employment -- exemplifying the old adage with regard to whether one frames one's current activity as "laying bricks", "building a wall" or "building a cathedral". Over 40 years he developed a pattern of working for 10 hours a day without lunch -- a real challenge for the labour unions!
With the shifting nature of employment and the increasing proportion of "unemployment" or partial employment, what is to be learnt from the patterns of activity exemplified by Don Justo -- and his ability to find meaning in them?
Overstatement
Although Don Justo's achievement is magnificent from many perspectives, it is what it is. It would be easy to to see it only as a poorly constructed edifice -- the folly of a lifetime -- for which the wider community has little need. The many aspects of its construction that can be criticized are also a reflection of weaknesses in its justification as an enterprise.
Claims made for the value and significance of alternative intiatives may often be seen as overstated. It may be argued that they fulfil many criteria of sustainability but their weaknesses are indeed only too easily neglected. Much that is appreciated may lie in the eye of the beholder -- as with their failings. But such may also be the case with what are extolled as the achievements of mainstream society.
Conclusion
Given the following initiatives:
    • Don Justo's initiative in constructing from recycled materials the Catedral de Nuestra Señora del Pilar, Madre de Jesús (Mejorada del Campo, Spain) without the benediction of the Catholic Church
    • Construction of an "eco-cathedral" with a 50 metre nave by the Anglican Church of the Province of South Africa (Kokstad) [ more  ]
    • Creation in 2002 of a Network of Earthkeeping Christian Communities in South Africa    (NECCSA) of which the first group member was the Dutch Reformed Church. The website of the group provides extensive documentation.
    • Construction over a period of 30 years, by Lous Le Roy in Mildam (Netherlands), of an "eco-cathedral" --  with the collaboration of the municipality who provided 1500 truckloads of residual materials from road construction. Le Roy processed this material by hand (without any outside assistance) into assorted structures, low walls, pathways and towers that due to their ingenious construction could serve as purification plants for acid rain. [ more  ; more  ; more  ; more  ; more  ; video  ]
    • Recognition of the merit of Le Roy's approach in other countries of Europe, notably Germany and Switzerland
    • Broader concerns by religious groups with the spiritual significance of the natural heritage and the Earth as a "church" or "temple" [ more  ]. These concerns extend into preoccupations with the Earth wisdom spirituality.
    • Creation and clustering of ecosteries as "loved places where ecological values, knowledge and wisdom are learned, practiced and shared" as sacred, respected and honored dwelling places. “Ecostery” is from “ecos,” the ancient Greek word for household extended here to include home, neighborhood and ecological community. “Stery” comes from “monastery,” a place where people live by rules of devotion and respect. Its members share the same values, and work together to live a complete, sacred life here and now. Ecostery principles and values are oriented toward harmony with nature [ more  ]
    • A much older tradition has ensured the construction of sacred gardens in association with temples (notably in India and Japan), with an estimated 25,000 sacred groves and other sanctified ecosystems in Rajasthan alone [ more  ; more  ]
These disparate initiatives help in different ways to provide transcendental insight into the mundane processes of recycling in a material world. Perhaps there is a case for creating some form of "Global Eco-cathedral Network" to recognize and support such initiatives. Like the Global Eco-village Network    (with which NECCSA is associated) it might help to support similar projects in developing countries where buildings become feasible to the extent that they can use recycled materials.
The challenge is whether any such initiative could bridge across the diversity of belief systems that inspire those that engage in them. Clearly the notion of "eco-cathedral" might already be considered a provocation to those of non- Christian persuasion, whereas "eco" is a provocation to those whose focus is on the spiritual and who consider that ecological and recycling issues are incidental. Those focused on natural ecosystems may have little interest in preoccupations with recycling, and vice versa. Any "network" relating them all would also need to be understood as a conceptual (or mind-map) network that could show the degree of relevance of one to the other -- and the distances between them.
But it is perhaps the long-term individual initiatives, such as those of Don Justo and Louis Le Roy, that is most striking in comparison with those of communities.
Films about Don Justo
Javier Baudoin. Catedral. Film. 1997 ( description  )
Peter Moers und Jörg Daniel Hissen. Die Baustelle des Herrn. Film 26 min. Deutschland 2000 ( http://www.arte- tv.com/special/geo360/dtext/200103/1a.html  )
José Ramón Pedroza Sierra. El Labriego que creyó en Dios. Film. España y Escocia/2001/VHS/color/30 min. ( http://www.contraelsilencio.org/Videoteca/Cat2/ConcursoINF.htm  )
References
Jean Valdenaire. All His Own Work. Quicksilver Magazine ( http://www.quicksilver.co.uk/martinez.html  )
Le Catedral de Don Justo: el milagro del persistencia ( http://es.geocities.com/minusval2000/Catedral_Don_Justo/  )
Eulogio Reguillo. Catedral de Justo. [ photos  ]
Peter Moers und Jörg Daniel Hissen. Die Baustelle des Herrn ( http://www.discovery.de/de/pub/tv/wissenschaft/itempageW.cfm/item_ID/3333/seriesteaser/no  )
Kees van der Hoeven. Don Justo? BladNA [2002] 4. Kavander Architectenbureau ( http://www.architectenwerk.nl/kavander/kavander- column0204.htm  )
Es gilt, ein Gelübde einzulösen: Der Dombauer von Mejorado. Bayerischer Rundfunk | Euroblick vom 12.01.2003 ( http://www.br- online.de/politik/ausland/themen/08620/  )
Thomas Marschler. Der Prophet. Predigt zum 2. Adventsonntag. Pfarrgemeinde St. Johann Baptist in Wuppertal ( http://www.st-johann-baptist- wuppertal.de/gottesdienst/texte/prophet.html   )
El Madrid de los Curiosos: La catedral de Justo, monumento al esfuerzo de un solo hombre. El Mundo, 24 de julio de 1998 ( http://www.el- mundo.es/1998/07/24/madrid/24N0124.html  )